MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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michael o. allen

Nikon

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From Digital Photography Review @ dpreview.com

Review based on a production Nikon D60

The D60 is the third incarnation of Nikon’s compact, user-friendly entry-level SLR line that started back in 2006 with the D40 (which replaced the first Nikon ‘starter’ model, the D50). The original D40 was a hugely important camera for Nikon and can be given a lot of the credit for the resurgence in Nikon’s fortunes at the volume end of the SLR market (which had been totally dominated by Canon since the launch of the EOS 300D / Digital Rebel). The D40’s success (which continued long after the D40X made its swift appearance only 6 months later) isn’t hard to explain; it was keenly priced, nicely designed and built and capable of excellent results. It was also a camera that proved cameras do not sell on megapixels alone (even at launch its 6MP resolution was far from ‘class leading’).

The D40X, which was positioned as a premium alternative to the D40 rather than its replacement, didn’t mess around with the formula much at all; a new sensor with more (ten) megapixels and a lower base ISO, plus a slightly higher continuous shooting rate. The D60 is a direct replacement for the D40X (the D40 will stay around for a while as Nikon’s budget option), and once again it’s not a major upgrade; the sensor remains the same (though now has a dust reduction system) and the external design is almost identical. There’s a few new features, including the same Expeed processing ‘concept’ seen in the D3 / D300, Active D-Lighting, an eye sensor (to control the screen display), and some tweaks to the interface, but perhaps the most significant change isn’t to the camera at all; the move to an optically stabilized version of the kit lens.

Auto Focus only for AF-S or AF-I lenses

As with the D40 and D40X, the new D60 doesn’t have an built-in focus drive motor which means it can auto focus only with lenses which have their own drive motor (AF-S and AF-I lenses). The lack of a drive motor can be seen by the missing mechanical focus drive pin on the lens mount (see images below). One of the D60’s new features is an electronic rangefinder to help manual focus on non AF-S / AF-I lenses.

Stylish old days

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Photo by Winston Goodfellow. The three 1950s cars were based on Alfa Romeo mechanics. Center, the 1954 B.A.T. 7.

After 53 Years of Beauty Sleep, the B.A.T. Is Back By PHIL PATTON, March 23, 2008

THERE was disappointing news ahead of the Geneva motor show this month: for the first time in decades, Bertone, one of Italy’s great coachbuilders, would not have its own display inside the exhibit halls.

Bertone is being managed by bankruptcy commissioners after the founding family was pushed aside. Like Italy’s other surviving carrozzeria — the design houses that produce concept cars and sometimes build small runs of vehicles under contract — Bertone is facing hard times.

But Bertone showed it still had life with a surprise unveiling at a nightclub, away from the Palexpo Geneva exhibition center, of a design study called the B.A.T. 11. The swoopy green-gray concept car was presented as a spiritual successor to the visionary B.A.T. cars, Nos. 5, 7, and 9, that the company created on Alfa Romeo mechanicals in the 1950s and displayed at auto shows in Turin.

The B.A.T. 11, whose creation was led by David Wilkie, design director at Bertone, has a helmet-like body comprising loosely joined planes, a central spine, taillights inset in its fins and black wheels shaped like a jet’s turbine.

B.A.T. stands for Berlinetta Aerodinamica Tecnica; berlinetta is an industry term for a sporty coupe, and the cars were exercises in the technology of aerodynamics. The cars combine aerodynamic principles — the chief designer of the original trio, Franco Scaglione, had studied the science — with sheer fantasy. The 1950s B.A.T.’s are viewed as milestones by design historians.

“The B.A.T. cars combined fantasy with extraordinary aerodynamic performance, extraordinary sculptural qualities, extraordinary beauty and timeless forms and organization,” said Geoff Wardle, director of advanced mobility research at the Art Center College of Design in Pasadena, Calif. “They had a subliminal influence on future vehicle designs.”

The B.A.T. 11 evokes Bertone’s glorious past. It was commissioned by Gary Kaberle, an American collector. As a teenager he had fallen in love with the B.A.T. 9, which had fallen on hard times and was parked in front of a Dodge dealership in his Michigan hometown to draw customers. The young man, who is now a dentist, saved up his money and bought the car, according to an article in Classic & Sports Car Magazine in 1994, but sold it years later to pay medical bills.

The B.A.T. 9 joined its siblings when the cars were restored and brought together in 1989. In 2005, they were shown at the Concours d’Élégance at Pebble Beach, Calif., by their new owner, Cars International Kensington Ltd., a British dealer of expensive road and racing cars. They were valued by the company at $8 million before being sold to a private collector.

Dr. Haberle went to Bertone a couple of years ago with the idea of a new B.A.T. The B.A.T. 11 is built on the chassis of the new Alfa Romeo 8C Competizione.

Bertone began literally as a builder of coaches, the horse-drawn sort, having been founded by Giovanni Bertone in 1912. After World War I, the company shifted to car bodies. Giovanni’s son Giuseppe, known as Nuccio, was born in 1914 and took over direction of the company in 1934.

Claudia Neumann, a design historian, calls Bertone “one of the greats of Italian design.” Among the great creations of Bertone are the Lamborghini Miura and Countach; the Ferrari Dino 308 GT4; and the Lancia Stratos. For BMW, Bertone did the 3200 CS in 1961; in 1975 it shaped the Polo for VW. It also did work for Citroën and Volvo. The 1956 Alfa Romeo Giulietta Sprint was planned as a limited edition of 500 cars, but instead sold 40,000 over 14 years.

The company is also distinguished for giving starts to design stars like Marcello Gandini and Giorgetto Giugiaro, who each followed Franco Scaglione, designer of the B.A.T.’s, as the top designers at Bertone.

Concepts from Italy’s carrozzeria are often the highlights of the Geneva auto show. Last year, Bertone showed a design study for Fiat called the Barchetta. This year, Zagato showed a concept called the Bentley GTZ, and Pininfarina offered one called the Sintesi.

But revered coachbuilders like Ghia and Touring are now gone, and survivors like Zagato, Pininfarina and Italdesign-Giugiaro are feeling extreme pressure. The carrozzeria declined as the number of aristocrats, plutocrats and movie stars willing to pay for bespoke or limited-production bodies declined. Most moved from operating as the automotive versions of skilled tailors to becoming consultants on engineering and production, and serving as small-volume manufacturerers. Bertone, for instance, produced 2,000 copies of the limited edition Mini GT through 2006.

Against a backdrop of court actions among Lilli Bertone, the widow of Nuccio Bertone, and their daughters, the new B.A.T. can be viewed as either a last gasp of the coachbuilders or a defiant assertion of their intent to survive.

Mr. Wardle of Art Center College points out that the coachbuilders have been lagging for years, as automakers turn inward for design. Over the years, coachbuilders have produced some of the most esteemed designs in the history of the automobile, but today they are being run by second- or third-generation members of their founder’s families or outsiders, “who do not have the same vision, talent or focus as their progenitors,” he said.

Inauspicious

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I cannot say how refreshed I was when I woke up this morning. Probably not much. I dragged my raggedy butt out to the gym. I was pathetic there so I left. I went for a run. After about half a mile, a glorious sun rose but did not improve my performance and, at about a mile, as several severely old people (age-ism?) passed me, I gave up that ghost and went home.
I showered and went back to bed.
My soccer season starts tomorrow. I’ve been trying to cram six weeks of preparation into two weeks and I’m only succeeding in getting myself injured before the season even starts. We’ll be the defending champion. Again.
Last season, although ultimately successful, was bruising and grueling. I hung my cleats when it ended in November and did not play or workout until February. Gym work, which is valuable but could never take the place of getting on the field and playing.
Oh, the invoice to renew my home subscription of The New York Times arrived in the mail today. $265.20. I wish I knew how to quit the Times. That’s $530 a year. I’m not saying it’s not worth it but the invoice almost always arrives when I’m either too broke, or broker than that.
On the other hand, I could buy the paper on the newsstand, which is actually the best paper to have because it should, technically have the latest news and final sports scores from the night before. But it costs $1.25 for the daily paper and I don’t know how much on Sundays, probably $5. Whatever the pressures, the Times should have resisted the urge to go over $1.
Maybe when Murdoch starts a Sunday section for the Wall Street Journal and prices it like he prices that abominable rag, the New York Post. I may give up the Times then.

Part of Obama's Indiana Speech

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Obama: Our Politics Should “Live Up” To Martin Luther King’s Legacy By Greg Sargent, TPM Election Central, April 4, 2008
In Indiana this morning, Obama gave a speech marking the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.
One interesting bit: Obama brought up his recent speech on race relations, and drew an implicit link between King’s lofty goals and his own call for a bigger politics…
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis.
Obama also emphasized an oft-overlooked aspect of King’s legacy — his battle for economic justice — and put it in the context of our present problems:

As Mike said, today represents a tragic anniversary for our country. Through his faith, courage, and wisdom, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. moved an entire nation. He preached the gospel of brotherhood; of equality and justice. That’s the cause for which he lived – and for which he died forty years ago today. And so before we begin, I ask you to join me in a moment of silence in memory of this extraordinary American.
There’s been a lot of discussion this week about how Dr. King’s life and legacy speak to us today. It’s taking place in our schools and churches, on television and around the dinner table. And I suspect that much of what folks are talking about centers on issues of racial justice – on the Montgomery bus boycott and the March on Washington, on the freedom rides and the stand at Selma.
And that’s as it should be – because those were times when ordinary men and women, straight-backed and clear-eyed, challenged what they knew was wrong and helped perfect our union. And they did so in large part because Dr. King pointed the way.
But I also think it’s worth reflecting on what Dr. King was doing in Memphis, when he stepped onto that motel balcony on his way out for dinner.
And what he was doing was standing up for struggling sanitation workers. For years, these workers had served their city without complaint, picking up other people’s trash for little pay and even less respect. Passers-by would call them “walking buzzards,” and in the segregated South, most were forced to use separate drinking fountains and bathrooms.
But in 1968, these workers decided they’d had enough, and over 1,000 went on strike. Their demands were modest – better wages, better benefits, and recognition of their union. But the opposition was fierce. Their vigils were met with handcuffs. Their protests turned back with mace. And at the end of one march, a 16-year old boy lay dead.
This is the struggle that brought Dr. King to Memphis. It was a struggle for economic justice, for the opportunity that should be available to people of all races and all walks of life. Because Dr. King understood that the struggle for economic justice and the struggle for racial justice were really one – that each was part of a larger struggle “for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity.” So long as Americans were trapped in poverty, so long as they were being denied the wages, benefits, and fair treatment they deserved – so long as opportunity was being opened to some but not all – the dream that he spoke of would remain out of reach.
And on the eve of his death, Dr. King gave a sermon in Memphis about what the movement there meant to him and to America. And in tones that would prove eerily prophetic, Dr. King said that despite the threats he’d received, he didn’t fear any man, because he had been there when Birmingham aroused the conscience of this nation. And he’d been there to see the students stand up for freedom by sitting in at lunch counters. And he’d been there in Memphis when it was dark enough to see the stars, to see the community coming together around a common purpose. So Dr. King had been to the mountaintop. He had seen the Promised Land. And while he knew somewhere deep in his bones that he would not get there with us, he knew that we would get there.
He knew it because he had seen that Americans have “the capacity,” as he said that night, “to project the ‘I’ into the ‘thou.’” To recognize that no matter what the color of our skin, no matter what faith we practice, no matter how much money we have – no matter whether we are sanitation workers or United States Senators – we all have a stake in one another, we are our brother’s keeper, we are our sister’s keeper, and “either we go up together, or we go down together.”
And when he was killed the following day, it left a wound on the soul of our nation that has yet to fully heal. And in few places was the pain more pronounced than in Indianapolis, where Robert Kennedy happened to be campaigning. And it fell to him to inform a crowded park that Dr. King had been killed. And as the shock turned toward anger, Kennedy reminded them of Dr. King’s compassion, and his love. And on a night when cities across the nation were alight with violence, all was quiet in Indianapolis.
In the dark days after Dr. King’s death, Coretta Scott King pointed out the stars. She took up her husband’s cause and led a march in Memphis. But while those sanitation workers eventually got their union contract, the struggle for economic justice remains an unfinished part of the King legacy. Because the dream is still out of reach for too many Americans. Just this morning, it was announced that more Americans are unemployed now than at any time in years. And all across this country, families are facing rising costs, stagnant wages, and the terrible burden of losing a home.
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis. We have to recognize that while we each have a different past, we all share the same hopes for the future — that we’ll be able to find a job that pays a decent wage, that there will be affordable health care when we get sick, that we’ll be able to send our kids to college, and that after a lifetime of hard work, we’ll be able to retire with security. They’re common hopes, modest dreams. And they’re at the heart of the struggle for freedom, dignity, and humanity that Dr. King began, and that it is our task to complete.
You know, Dr. King once said that the arc of the moral universe is long, but that it bends toward justice. But what he also knew was that it doesn’t bend on its own. It bends because each of us puts our hands on that arc and bends it in the direction of justice.
So on this day – of all days – let’s each do our part to bend that arc.
Let’s bend that arc toward justice.
Let’s bend that arc toward opportunity.
Let’s bend that arc toward prosperity for all.
And if we can do that and march together – as one nation, and one people – then we won’t just be keeping faith with what Dr. King lived and died for, we’ll be making real the words of Amos that he invoked so often, and “let justice roll down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

A remembrance

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Copyright 2008 Los Angeles Times All Rights Reserved April 5, 2008 Saturday Home Edition MAIN NEWS; National Desk; Part A; Pg. 14 1136 words CAMPAIGN ’08: RACE FOR THE WHITE HOUSE; Candidates mark King’s assassination
On 40th anniversary, Clinton and McCain speak at shooting site, Obama from Indiana by Noam N. Levey and Maeve Reston, Times Staff Writers
MEMPHIS, TENN.–Forty years after the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., the race-infused 2008 presidential election campaign came Friday to the motel where the civil rights icon was gunned down.
But in an example of how this campaign has challenged traditional notions of race and politics, the only candidates who made the pilgrimage to the Lorraine Motel were Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton and John McCain.
Sen. Barack Obama, vying to become the first black U.S. president, marked the solemn anniversary nearly 600 miles away in Fort Wayne, Ind., where he carefully invoked King’s economic message as much as his racial one.
“It’s worth reflecting on what Martin Luther King was doing in Memphis 40 years ago,” Obama said at a racially mixed town-hall meeting, reminding the crowd of King’s support for striking sanitation workers. “It was a struggle for economic justice.”
Clinton and McCain also talked Friday of King’s broader legacy. And McCain pointedly apologized for opposing a federal holiday honoring King when he was a young congressman.
But it was the distance from Fort Wayne to Memphis that delineated the new contours of this presidential contest.
“You can’t imagine a black candidate like Jesse Jackson or Al Sharpton not being in Memphis to give a speech,” said Joe Hicks, the former head of the Los Angeles chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
Just a year ago, Obama took a very different approach, making a point of going to Selma, Ala., to commemorate the anniversary of the 1965 civil rights march over the Edmund Pettus Bridge.
In Selma, Obama, the son of a white mother and a Kenyan father, pronounced himself “the offspring of the movement” as he sought to build support in the African American community.
Since then, the Illinois senator has become the front-runner in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination in large part by presenting himself as a candidate who transcends race. He also is working to get past the uproar that arose from the racially divisive comments of his longtime pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr.
And he is campaigning hard to get the support of white working-class voters in Pennsylvania and other states where Clinton is currently leading.
“Obama is going back to the larger strategy he used up until Rev. Wright, which is to downplay race,” said Shelby Steele, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University who has written extensively about race and just published a book about Obama’s candidacy.
“He knows if there is this backdrop of black protest and anger, the white working-class voters he is trying to pull his way are going to peel away,” Steele said. “His whole strategy is to relieve the anxiety by saying he is not interested in race, that he is transcending race.”
On Friday, Clinton, not Obama, drew a deeply personal link to the civil rights movement, to King and to the rage that followed his assassination.
“I will never forget where I was when I heard Dr. King had been killed,” Clinton told a largely black audience at Memphis’ Mason Temple Church of God in Christ, where King preached his final sermon the night before he was assassinated.
“It felt like everything had been shattered, like we would never be able to put the pieces together again,” the New York senator said, recalling how she hurled her book bag across her dorm room in despair and then joined a protest march in Boston.
For Clinton, the visit to Memphis offered an opportunity to repair some of the rifts that have opened up between her and portions of the black community since she and her supporters made a number of comments that seemed to diminish Obama’s accomplishments.
McCain, who in 1983 voted against legislation to create a federal holiday on King’s birthday, also drew on his memory of King’s death, which he learned about while in a prisoner-of-war camp in North Vietnam.
The Arizona senator said he felt “just as everyone else did back home, only perhaps even more uncertain and alarmed for my country in the darkness that was then enclosed around me and my fellow captives. . . . The enemy had correctly calculated that the news from Memphis would deeply wound morale and leave us worried and afraid for our country.”
McCain apologized Friday for his vote 25 years ago, explaining: “We can all be a little late sometimes in doing the right thing.”
Discussing his vote earlier this week aboard his campaign plane, McCain said he changed his position after studying King’s legacy and learning that King was “a transcendent figure in American history; he deserved to be honored.”
Obama, who was a 6-year-old boy living with his mother in Indonesia when King was shot, offered no personal reminiscences Friday.
Nor did he discuss any sadness or anger that he or his family may have felt at the time.
Rather, in discussing the turmoil that followed King’s death, Obama focused on the work of another transcendent figure of the age, Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, who, while campaigning for president in Indiana on the day King was shot, helped calm crowds in Indianapolis.
“Kennedy reminded them of Dr. King’s compassion and his love, and on a night when cities across the nation were alight with violence, all was quiet in Indianapolis,” Obama said.
And he went on to invoke King’s unifying message.
“We all hope that we can find a job that pays a decent wage, that there will be affordable healthcare when we get sick, that we’ll be able to send our kids to college, and that after a lifetime of hard work, we’ll be able to retire with security,” Obama said. “They are common hopes, modest dreams, and they are at the heart of the struggle for freedom, dignity and humanity that Dr. King began.”
U.S. Rep. Melvin Watt (D-N.C.), a founding member and former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, noted that Obama’s focus on the economic message echoed where King was going in 1968. “He was transitioning from the leader of a racial movement to the leader of an economic movement and a peace movement,” Watt said.
Watt also cautioned against reading too much into Obama’s decision not to go to Memphis.
So did several of Obama’s supporters in Memphis, who said they understood he needed to campaign.
Gloria Tenney, a 64-year-old retired teacher from Atlanta who was buying an Obama T-shirt, said she believed her candidate was not “desperate.”
“I think he pretty much knows he has the black votes, so why do this for political reasons?” Tenney said.
Obama has won the support of 90% of black voters in Democratic primaries.
Obama himself reminded reporters on his campaign plane Friday that he spoke at King’s church in Atlanta in January to mark King’s birthday and gave a major speech on race last month to address the criticism of Wright’s sermons.

noam.levey@latimes.com
maeve.reston@latimes.com
Levey reported from Washington and Reston from Memphis.

No?

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“Outdated” whistling banned by building firm By Laura Clout, 03/04/2008

A building firm has banned workers from wolf-whistling, for fear the “outdated” tradition will scare away female househunters.

George Wimpey want women to feel more at ease around builders

George Wimpey in Bristol issued a directive to staff at all seven of its sites in the region that the practice would no longer be tolerated, for fear of intimidating “savvy and sophisticated” female buyers.

The ban, which could be extended nationwide, will apply from 9am this morning.

Sales and Marketing Director Richard Goad said: “In the 21st century the wolf whistle is out of place. Our buyers know what they want and the general feeling is that women won’t stand for being whistled at by builders.

“Similarly, men report finding it insulting when their loved ones are whistled and it causes unnecessary tension on what should be an enjoyable search for a new home.

“The builders I’ve spoken to on all of the sites are happy enough with the ban. As far as they are concerned, if it encourages more women to visit our developments, then they think it can only be a good thing.”

A spokeswoman said no punishment had been devised, as the company did not expect any builders to breach the ban.

The move comes ahead of the launch of the city’s Meridian housing development, at the Aztec Hotel on Saturday.

The company has previously told workers not to take off their shirts on site, to reduce the risk of skin cancer.

Defending the Constitution

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I have a conflict: I am in the ACLU family and subscribe to its ideals. It is in that spirit that I offer this.

The ACLU's John Adams Project Our generation countenanced the illegal imprisonment of hundreds of people on the Cuban island known as Guantanamo Bay. I know some will blame terrible reign of George W. Bush and his minions for the dark times we live in but this historical event is our shame alone to bear.

Setting up this American Gulag was an assault on the character of our nation. We looked for the nearest mall when Bush said “go shop,” instead of questioning what he was up to. So he came up with new ways to take away more of our rights.

But, perhaps more than that, Bush’s biggest crime was devaluing what America means. We, as a people, a society and a culture, were complicit in that. The American Civil Liberties Union offers us a road back to reclaiming our virtues as a nation.

The question is: will we rise up to the challenge?