MICHAEL O. ALLEN

Mandela, ANC Readying for Power

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By MICHAEL O. ALLEN, Daily News Staff Writer | Sunday, May 8, 1994

JOHANNESBURG—South Africa’s new national assembly sits for the first time tomorrow, and the African National Congress, which holds 252 of the chamber’s 400 seats, will select Nelson Mandela, as president.

On Tuesday, he will be sworn in as the nation’s first president chosen democratically. The theme of the inauguration concert, with some 3,000 performers, is “Many Cultures, One Nation.”

The weight of history, of course, demands this.

Much of the world is coming to share in the celebration—and, perhaps, taste some of the smoked crocodile and ostrich dishes on the menu.
Delegations representing more than 125 nations, including 40 heads of state, plan to attend. The American contingent is headed by Vice President Al Gore.
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Mandela Sworn in as Freedom Reigns

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By MICHAEL O. ALLEN, Daily News Staff Writer | Wednesday, May 11, 1994

PRETORIA—Climaxing his journey from political prisoner to nation builder, Nelson Mandela assumed the office of president of South Africa yesterday vowing that “never again” would racial exploitation be tolerated.

In a joyous ceremony that marked the end of the country’s pariah status and celebrated the nation’s transformation into a beacon of racial reconciliation, Mandela proclaimed: “Let freedom reign.”

The American delegation included U.S. Vice President Al Gore, First Lady Hillary Clinton and Jesse Jackson. Gore said South Africa has sent a powerful message to the world that differences can be set aside for the sake of a nation.

Watched by international visitors including Vice President Gore, First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, Palestinian Leader Yasser Arafat, and Cuban President Fidel Castro, Mandela spoke in deep, measured tones as he swore allegiance to the new republic and its constitution.

As he said, “So help me God,” shouts of “Viva” rang out from the huge, multi-racial crowd gathered at the foot of the Union Buildings amphitheater.

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A sour tale of home sweet homeland By MICHAEL O. ALLEN

By Homepage, New York Daily News, South Africa: The Freedom Vote No Comments

My recent journey to South Africa to witness its epic sprint to democracy plunged me, like a pebble flung into a stream, deep into memories of my childhood in Africa.
Beside unleashing bred-in-bone memories, my sojourn forced me to examine thoughts I had long held, especially about myself. By the time I left South Africa, my persona, carefully constructed as to be shorn of race, had been sorely tested, shaken and ultimately redrawn.
My story began 31 years ago in Accra, Ghana, West Africa, where I was born.
The strongest ripple of boyhood memory was of a night lit by the moon as my mother, Esther Lamiley Mills, sang sweet songs to me while I tapped on a drum. It was masquerade season, similar to Halloween, and we sat in a makeshift hut of palm fronds we had put up in a small compound that my grandfather shared with his children. I was 5 years old and my mother was 20.
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Rush Limbaugh for The Progressive

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This is an illustration for an article in this month’s Progressive, Conservatives in Crisis by Ruth Conniff, about how conservatives are facing an ideological crisis after eight years of Bush and their trouncing in the election.

From the article:

“While Obama is declaring the argument between big-government liberals  and free-market-fundamentalist conservatives over, Rush Limbaugh is  keeping up the fight: ‘The battle’s never going to be over, the war is  never going to be over because battles are going to be fought  continually over and over again, because this is who these people  are,’ he says. And then he recites the rightwing bromide that FDR  ‘prolonged’ the Great Depression with his New Deal programs.”

After reading the article, I knew right off the bat that I wanted to picture Limbaugh as a human cannonball: a sham display of Big Top bravado.

Speaking, plainly

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I guess Chris Rock has always spoken this way. This was from his Bigger and Blacker 1999 tour.

This excerpt of the transcript is courtesy of Drew’s Script-O-Rama

Racism everywhere, everybody pissed off.
Black people yelling, ”Racism.”

White people yelling, ”Reverse racism.”

Chinese people yelling, ”Sideways racism!”

And the lndians ain’t yelling shit ’cause they dead.

So everybody bitch about how bad their people got it.

Nobody got it worse than the American lndian.

Everybody need to calm the fuck down.

lndians got it bad. lndians got it the worst.

You know how bad the lndians got it?
When’s the last time you met two lndians?

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Facebook baby

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When I was a kid, I was crazy for Mad Magazine, and a passionate follower of Mad’s campaign against consumerism and materialism in general, and against Madison Avenue and the world of advertising in particular.

Lots has happened since then. When Mad talked about advertising, it was talking about television, radio and newspapers. There was no Internet. The debate back then was over whether TV, which catered to the sponsors, would kill off newspapers, which took pains to separate the news from the ads. Now the Internet, originally an academic project financed by the American military, has become the World Wide Web, which is both a powerful vehicle for disseminating information and a mighty commercial mechanism. And it’s proving to be the Web which is finally killing off the newspapers.

New web ventures have a patina of geeky chic, but behind them all are hard-nosed venture capitalists who are trying to figure out how to monetize the web – their polite way of saying they want to make money from web users. This is something of a challenge since the Web started off free; we have many warnings that this will change, and that our culture will veer off into an even higher stage of materialism and consumerism.

What’s more frightening is that many efforts to monetize the web accomplish it with a massive invasion of our privacy. Our web searches reveal what we are thinking about and interested in; our emails explicitly contain our personal concerns and professional activities. All this information is fair game for Web businesses to collect, analyze and use or sell in an effort to make advertising more effective.

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Where To, Mr. Daschle?

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Tom Daschle, President Obama’s nominee for secretary of Health and Human services, is facing some hard questions today regarding his failure to pay more than $140,000 in taxes, much of it related to a chauffeur-driven car provided to him by big-time Democratic donor Leo Hindery, Jr.

To make things worse for Daschle, his tax problems came to light just as his financial statement to the Office of Government Ethics was made public. This  required report showed that he made millions of dollars giving public speeches and private counsel to insurers, hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, and other firms with complex regulatory and legislative interests in Washington.

Daschle was also an adviser to the law and lobbying firm Alston & Bird, which paid him $2.1 million last year in addition to providing him with a 401k plan worth between $100,000 and $250,000. During his three years with the lobbying group they earned more than $16 million working on behalf of some of the leaders in the health care industry in their dealings with the government, often before the department he’s in line to lead.

He managed to do all this without ever registering as a lobbyist. But the bottom line is that he got a lot of money from health care, pharmaceutical and insurance companies which have billions of dollars at stake in the regulations from the Health and Human Services.

The Senate Finance Committee has scheduled a closed-door session today to discuss Daschle’s tax problems. I wonder how all his old buddies will view these revelations?

To read a little more, here’s an article in the Washington Post, and another on Politico.

Where To, Mr. Daschle?

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Tom Daschle, President Obama’s nominee for secretary of Health and Human services, is facing some hard questions today regarding his failure to pay more than $140,000 in taxes, much of it related to a chauffeur-driven car provided to him by big-time Democratic donor Leo Hindery, Jr.

To make things worse for Daschle, his tax problems came to light just as his financial statement to the Office of Government Ethics was made public. This  required report showed that he made millions of dollars giving public speeches and private counsel to insurers, hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, and other firms with complex regulatory and legislative interests in Washington.

Daschle was also an adviser to the law and lobbying firm Alston & Bird, which paid him $2.1 million last year in addition to providing him with a 401k plan worth between $100,000 and $250,000. During his three years with the lobbying group they earned more than $16 million working on behalf of some of the leaders in the health care industry in their dealings with the government, often before the department he’s in line to lead.

He managed to do all this without ever registering as a lobbyist. But the bottom line is that he got a lot of money from health care, pharmaceutical and insurance companies which have billions of dollars at stake in the regulations from the Health and Human Services.

The Senate Finance Committee has scheduled a closed-door session today to discuss Daschle’s tax problems. I wonder how all his old buddies will view these revelations?

To read a little more, here’s an article in the Washington Post, and another on Politico.

My friend, Todd

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The morning of Friday, Jan. 16, 2009 was one of the worst moments of my life.

It was the first time in all the years that I’ve worked at the American Civil Liberties Union that I’ve come to work knowing that not only is my friend, Todd, not going to be there that day, but that he’s never going to be there.

All the stories I’d saved to tell him during the three weeks he was on the respirator. I will not tell them to him. Not ever again.

Todd Drew (May 13, 1967 ~ January 15, 2009

Todd Drew (May 13, 1967 ~ January 15, 2009)

Todd was my friend and I loved him. Todd and I, we were ridiculous together. So far as I could tell, I started working at the ACLU and Todd became my friend. And, from that moment on, I could always count on him, a constant, I could set my clock by him, my confidant, my rock to lean on, a big brother who looked out for me.

We fell into an easy friendship.

There were things that Todd and I disagreed about and debated with fierce laughter but we never had an argument.

For instance, Todd supported Ralph Nader and resisted my effort to get him to vote for John Kerry. He planned on voting for Nader again but ended up voting for Barack Obama. I don’t think I had to work too hard to convince him.

Todd was an extraordinary human being, kind, gentle, the most generous person.

I did not deserve nor did I earn the version of myself that I saw reflected back to me when I looked in Todd’s eyes.

He respected me, cared for me too much.

I figured this out: I knew Todd for exactly five years and five weeks. during that time, I could pinpoint where Todd would be at any moment. This is important, you see. I had to know where Todd was so I could reach out to him when I needed him.

So, whether it was a weekend and I was not at a game with him, or, maybe I was on vacation, traveling, when a thought occurred to me, I called Todd and we talked.

Since Todd never once took vacation in the time I knew him and he was always the first person in the building, I could, when I arrived at my desk in the morning, e-mail to him a lame joke and scoot around the corner to Todd’s office in time enough to see him smiling or laughing.

That is, if he didn’t come find me first.

And as we went for coffee in the morning, We talked about Baseball, of course. Politics, without fail. Life, too.

I would tell Todd stories and he would listen.

I told him about the over-the-hill soccer league I play in and Todd and Marsha came to watch me play. I told him stories about my sons, Gabriel and Aidan. Todd loved them, reveled in their foibles and antics.

Todd was as proud of my kids as I am.

He couldn’t come out of a bookstore without a book, or a magazine that he would want me to give to Gabriel and Aidan. Todd and Marsha came to their little league baseball games. Todd and Marsha came to our home and we went to Yankee games with them.

Todd and I, we were wound up in each others lives that way.

Todd and I had another relationship: I was his extra pair of eyes, not an editor, just an extra pair of eyes, on those tone poems — you know them as blog posts — that he gifted us with.

Todd, generous to a fault, would give me credit for untangling a thought, or sentence in a blog post, for editing something.

Yes, I read most of them. But I can tell you that the extent of my editing on practically all of them went something like this:

“Run with it.”

Or,

“Don’t change a word.”

Todd was simply a phenomenal man who wrote with a big heart.

I love Todd. I love him as a friend, as a brother. But I also envied Todd. I envied him as a writer.

Every writer needs a place to call his own,

Steinbeck had his Monterey.

So, too, Todd had the Bronx, specifically, that sliver of heaven called Yankee Stadium and the neighborhoods around it, a place teeming with characters who, although very real, in Todd’s hands, turn into something mythical:

The kids playing baseball in Parking Lot 15 because the city took away their ball fields.

Javier, the ex-pitcher from Puerto Rico, now a pugnacious pontificator about all things Yankees and New York

Henry, a steadfast supporter of Yankee players,

Jose, born in the Dominican Republic, and now living on the Grand Concourse

And that is to name just a few.

As a writer, I covet this place and wish I had such wonderful characters to write about But that’s not what I envied Todd for. What I envied Todd for is his voice, his writing voice.

Besides memories of his gentleness, his kindness, his inspirational presence, this voice, I believe, will be his lasting legacy. Todd’s voice is something else, light and free, compassionate, singularly knowing and tough but with no meanness, no ego, in others words, all Todd.

Todd’s voice belongs to time and, we could grieve that Todd had only 41 years on this earth, that he deserved more time to hone his voice, to see where it would carry him.

But, as Marsha would tell you, that’s not Todd. Todd doesn’t do regrets. For instance, I am heartbroken and angry and frustrated at his death yet I realize Todd’s integrity would not condone such feelings.

How could a man live such a fiercely principled life yet leave such trails of tenderness and kindness?

I miss him too much already.

In “The Record Lives”, which Todd wrote about Phil Rizzuto, he quoted Grantland Rice, who wrote for the New York Herald-Tribune:

For when the One Great Scorer comes
To write against your name,
He marks not that you won or lost,
But how you played the Game?

The old scribe could have been talking about Todd.

A little history

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The White House Fleeting Hope: From left, Israels Yitzhak Rabin, Egypts Hosni Mubarak, Hussein, Clinton and PLO leader Yasir Arafat in 1995
Newsweek

Barack Obama said virtually nothing last week about the fighting in Gaza. We only have “one president at a time,” his aides argue, and he has already called for a robust American peacemaking effort. Still, as the bombs began falling it must have been tempting for the president-elect to simply avert his eyes. Cries of “all-out war” make the risks to U.S. credibility abroad and the political costs at home seem infinitely more acute. Fighting in the Holy Land has been raging for thousands of years, the familiar reasoning goes; it would be hubris to think America could end it.
Yet three excellent recent books suggest that such logic is seriously flawed. In the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly, diplomatic distance virtually guarantees the status quo. Because Israel is so much stronger, power dynamics in the conflict are “deeply unbalanced,” write Daniel Kurtzer and Scott Lasensky in their trenchant guidebook, “Negotiating Arab-Israeli Peace” (191 pages. U.S. Institute of Peace. $16.50). “Left on their own, the parties cannot address the deep, structural impediments to peace.” Over the past half-century, the price of a generally desultory American policy has been compounded.
That’s the takeaway from Patrick Tyler’s ambitious new history, “A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East—From the Cold War to the War on Terror” (Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 628 pages. $30). The bottom line, according to Tyler: “After nearly six decades of escalating American involvement in the Middle East, it remains nearly impossible to discern any overarching approach to the region such as the one that guided U.S. policy through the Cold War.” Still, starry-eyed naiveté is no way to solve one of the world’s most intractable conflicts. Martin Indyk’s nuanced new memoir of his tenure as a Clinton-era peace negotiator, “Innocent Abroad: An Intimate Account of American Peace Diplomacy in the Middle East” (494 pages. Simon ;Schuster. $30),demonstrates how hard the balancing act can be.

American diplomacy in the region wasn’t always so feeble. Back in the fall of 1956, intelligence reached Washington that Israel was massing troops near Gaza in the Negev Desert. U.S. officials discovered that Israel had conspired with Britain and France to seize the Suez Canal, which popular Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser had nationalized the summer before. The Americans were furious at their allies’ back-room plan. Israel’s then foreign minister, Golda Meir, made an argument much the same as what Defense Minister Ehud Barak has said since then: “Imagine attacks from enemies camped on the Mexican and Canadian borders inflicting those kinds of casualties in America.” But President Eisenhower wasn’t buying. As Tyler recounts, Ike went on television and demanded a withdrawal, later withholding oil shipments and loans to Britain. The conspirators were forced to comply.

“Special relationship” with one side

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Obama got a birds-eye view of the Holy Land with Livni, right, and Defense Minister Ehud Barak
newsweek

If Obama Is Serious He should get tough with Israel by Aaron David Miller, NEWSWEEK, from the magazine issue dated Jan 12, 2009
Jews worry for a living; their tragic history compels them to do so. In the next few years, there will be plenty to worry about, particularly when it comes to Israel. The current operation in Gaza won’t do much to ease these worries or to address Israel’s longer-term security needs. The potential for a nuclear Iran, combined with the growing accuracy and lethality of Hamas and Hizbullah rockets, will create tremendous concern. Anxiety may also be provoked by something else: an Obama administration determined to repair America’s image and credibility and to reach a deal in the Middle East.
Don’t get me wrong. Barack Obama—as every other U.S. president before him—will protect the special relationship with Israel. But the days of America’s exclusive ties to Israel may be coming to an end. Despite efforts to sound reassuring during the campaign, the new administration will have to be tough, much tougher than either Bill Clinton or George W. Bush were, if it’s serious about Arab-Israeli peacemaking.
The departure point for a viable peace deal—either with Syria or the Palestinians—must not be based purely on what the political traffic in Israel will bear, but on the requirements of all sides. The new president seems tougher and more focused than his predecessors; he’s unlikely to become enthralled by either of Israel’s two leading candidates for prime minister—centrist Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, or Likudnik Benjamin Netanyahu. Indeed, if it’s the latter, he may well find himself (like Clinton) privately frustrated with Netanyahu’s tough policies. Unlike Clinton, if Israeli behavior crosses the line, he should allow those frustrations to surface publicly in the service of American national interests.