MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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Part of Obama's Indiana Speech

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Obama: Our Politics Should “Live Up” To Martin Luther King’s Legacy By Greg Sargent, TPM Election Central, April 4, 2008
In Indiana this morning, Obama gave a speech marking the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.
One interesting bit: Obama brought up his recent speech on race relations, and drew an implicit link between King’s lofty goals and his own call for a bigger politics…
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis.
Obama also emphasized an oft-overlooked aspect of King’s legacy — his battle for economic justice — and put it in the context of our present problems:

As Mike said, today represents a tragic anniversary for our country. Through his faith, courage, and wisdom, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. moved an entire nation. He preached the gospel of brotherhood; of equality and justice. That’s the cause for which he lived – and for which he died forty years ago today. And so before we begin, I ask you to join me in a moment of silence in memory of this extraordinary American.
There’s been a lot of discussion this week about how Dr. King’s life and legacy speak to us today. It’s taking place in our schools and churches, on television and around the dinner table. And I suspect that much of what folks are talking about centers on issues of racial justice – on the Montgomery bus boycott and the March on Washington, on the freedom rides and the stand at Selma.
And that’s as it should be – because those were times when ordinary men and women, straight-backed and clear-eyed, challenged what they knew was wrong and helped perfect our union. And they did so in large part because Dr. King pointed the way.
But I also think it’s worth reflecting on what Dr. King was doing in Memphis, when he stepped onto that motel balcony on his way out for dinner.
And what he was doing was standing up for struggling sanitation workers. For years, these workers had served their city without complaint, picking up other people’s trash for little pay and even less respect. Passers-by would call them “walking buzzards,” and in the segregated South, most were forced to use separate drinking fountains and bathrooms.
But in 1968, these workers decided they’d had enough, and over 1,000 went on strike. Their demands were modest – better wages, better benefits, and recognition of their union. But the opposition was fierce. Their vigils were met with handcuffs. Their protests turned back with mace. And at the end of one march, a 16-year old boy lay dead.
This is the struggle that brought Dr. King to Memphis. It was a struggle for economic justice, for the opportunity that should be available to people of all races and all walks of life. Because Dr. King understood that the struggle for economic justice and the struggle for racial justice were really one – that each was part of a larger struggle “for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity.” So long as Americans were trapped in poverty, so long as they were being denied the wages, benefits, and fair treatment they deserved – so long as opportunity was being opened to some but not all – the dream that he spoke of would remain out of reach.
And on the eve of his death, Dr. King gave a sermon in Memphis about what the movement there meant to him and to America. And in tones that would prove eerily prophetic, Dr. King said that despite the threats he’d received, he didn’t fear any man, because he had been there when Birmingham aroused the conscience of this nation. And he’d been there to see the students stand up for freedom by sitting in at lunch counters. And he’d been there in Memphis when it was dark enough to see the stars, to see the community coming together around a common purpose. So Dr. King had been to the mountaintop. He had seen the Promised Land. And while he knew somewhere deep in his bones that he would not get there with us, he knew that we would get there.
He knew it because he had seen that Americans have “the capacity,” as he said that night, “to project the ‘I’ into the ‘thou.’” To recognize that no matter what the color of our skin, no matter what faith we practice, no matter how much money we have – no matter whether we are sanitation workers or United States Senators – we all have a stake in one another, we are our brother’s keeper, we are our sister’s keeper, and “either we go up together, or we go down together.”
And when he was killed the following day, it left a wound on the soul of our nation that has yet to fully heal. And in few places was the pain more pronounced than in Indianapolis, where Robert Kennedy happened to be campaigning. And it fell to him to inform a crowded park that Dr. King had been killed. And as the shock turned toward anger, Kennedy reminded them of Dr. King’s compassion, and his love. And on a night when cities across the nation were alight with violence, all was quiet in Indianapolis.
In the dark days after Dr. King’s death, Coretta Scott King pointed out the stars. She took up her husband’s cause and led a march in Memphis. But while those sanitation workers eventually got their union contract, the struggle for economic justice remains an unfinished part of the King legacy. Because the dream is still out of reach for too many Americans. Just this morning, it was announced that more Americans are unemployed now than at any time in years. And all across this country, families are facing rising costs, stagnant wages, and the terrible burden of losing a home.
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis. We have to recognize that while we each have a different past, we all share the same hopes for the future — that we’ll be able to find a job that pays a decent wage, that there will be affordable health care when we get sick, that we’ll be able to send our kids to college, and that after a lifetime of hard work, we’ll be able to retire with security. They’re common hopes, modest dreams. And they’re at the heart of the struggle for freedom, dignity, and humanity that Dr. King began, and that it is our task to complete.
You know, Dr. King once said that the arc of the moral universe is long, but that it bends toward justice. But what he also knew was that it doesn’t bend on its own. It bends because each of us puts our hands on that arc and bends it in the direction of justice.
So on this day – of all days – let’s each do our part to bend that arc.
Let’s bend that arc toward justice.
Let’s bend that arc toward opportunity.
Let’s bend that arc toward prosperity for all.
And if we can do that and march together – as one nation, and one people – then we won’t just be keeping faith with what Dr. King lived and died for, we’ll be making real the words of Amos that he invoked so often, and “let justice roll down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

A remembrance

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Copyright 2008 Los Angeles Times All Rights Reserved April 5, 2008 Saturday Home Edition MAIN NEWS; National Desk; Part A; Pg. 14 1136 words CAMPAIGN ’08: RACE FOR THE WHITE HOUSE; Candidates mark King’s assassination
On 40th anniversary, Clinton and McCain speak at shooting site, Obama from Indiana by Noam N. Levey and Maeve Reston, Times Staff Writers
MEMPHIS, TENN.–Forty years after the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., the race-infused 2008 presidential election campaign came Friday to the motel where the civil rights icon was gunned down.
But in an example of how this campaign has challenged traditional notions of race and politics, the only candidates who made the pilgrimage to the Lorraine Motel were Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton and John McCain.
Sen. Barack Obama, vying to become the first black U.S. president, marked the solemn anniversary nearly 600 miles away in Fort Wayne, Ind., where he carefully invoked King’s economic message as much as his racial one.
“It’s worth reflecting on what Martin Luther King was doing in Memphis 40 years ago,” Obama said at a racially mixed town-hall meeting, reminding the crowd of King’s support for striking sanitation workers. “It was a struggle for economic justice.”
Clinton and McCain also talked Friday of King’s broader legacy. And McCain pointedly apologized for opposing a federal holiday honoring King when he was a young congressman.
But it was the distance from Fort Wayne to Memphis that delineated the new contours of this presidential contest.
“You can’t imagine a black candidate like Jesse Jackson or Al Sharpton not being in Memphis to give a speech,” said Joe Hicks, the former head of the Los Angeles chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
Just a year ago, Obama took a very different approach, making a point of going to Selma, Ala., to commemorate the anniversary of the 1965 civil rights march over the Edmund Pettus Bridge.
In Selma, Obama, the son of a white mother and a Kenyan father, pronounced himself “the offspring of the movement” as he sought to build support in the African American community.
Since then, the Illinois senator has become the front-runner in the race for the Democratic presidential nomination in large part by presenting himself as a candidate who transcends race. He also is working to get past the uproar that arose from the racially divisive comments of his longtime pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr.
And he is campaigning hard to get the support of white working-class voters in Pennsylvania and other states where Clinton is currently leading.
“Obama is going back to the larger strategy he used up until Rev. Wright, which is to downplay race,” said Shelby Steele, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University who has written extensively about race and just published a book about Obama’s candidacy.
“He knows if there is this backdrop of black protest and anger, the white working-class voters he is trying to pull his way are going to peel away,” Steele said. “His whole strategy is to relieve the anxiety by saying he is not interested in race, that he is transcending race.”
On Friday, Clinton, not Obama, drew a deeply personal link to the civil rights movement, to King and to the rage that followed his assassination.
“I will never forget where I was when I heard Dr. King had been killed,” Clinton told a largely black audience at Memphis’ Mason Temple Church of God in Christ, where King preached his final sermon the night before he was assassinated.
“It felt like everything had been shattered, like we would never be able to put the pieces together again,” the New York senator said, recalling how she hurled her book bag across her dorm room in despair and then joined a protest march in Boston.
For Clinton, the visit to Memphis offered an opportunity to repair some of the rifts that have opened up between her and portions of the black community since she and her supporters made a number of comments that seemed to diminish Obama’s accomplishments.
McCain, who in 1983 voted against legislation to create a federal holiday on King’s birthday, also drew on his memory of King’s death, which he learned about while in a prisoner-of-war camp in North Vietnam.
The Arizona senator said he felt “just as everyone else did back home, only perhaps even more uncertain and alarmed for my country in the darkness that was then enclosed around me and my fellow captives. . . . The enemy had correctly calculated that the news from Memphis would deeply wound morale and leave us worried and afraid for our country.”
McCain apologized Friday for his vote 25 years ago, explaining: “We can all be a little late sometimes in doing the right thing.”
Discussing his vote earlier this week aboard his campaign plane, McCain said he changed his position after studying King’s legacy and learning that King was “a transcendent figure in American history; he deserved to be honored.”
Obama, who was a 6-year-old boy living with his mother in Indonesia when King was shot, offered no personal reminiscences Friday.
Nor did he discuss any sadness or anger that he or his family may have felt at the time.
Rather, in discussing the turmoil that followed King’s death, Obama focused on the work of another transcendent figure of the age, Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, who, while campaigning for president in Indiana on the day King was shot, helped calm crowds in Indianapolis.
“Kennedy reminded them of Dr. King’s compassion and his love, and on a night when cities across the nation were alight with violence, all was quiet in Indianapolis,” Obama said.
And he went on to invoke King’s unifying message.
“We all hope that we can find a job that pays a decent wage, that there will be affordable healthcare when we get sick, that we’ll be able to send our kids to college, and that after a lifetime of hard work, we’ll be able to retire with security,” Obama said. “They are common hopes, modest dreams, and they are at the heart of the struggle for freedom, dignity and humanity that Dr. King began.”
U.S. Rep. Melvin Watt (D-N.C.), a founding member and former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, noted that Obama’s focus on the economic message echoed where King was going in 1968. “He was transitioning from the leader of a racial movement to the leader of an economic movement and a peace movement,” Watt said.
Watt also cautioned against reading too much into Obama’s decision not to go to Memphis.
So did several of Obama’s supporters in Memphis, who said they understood he needed to campaign.
Gloria Tenney, a 64-year-old retired teacher from Atlanta who was buying an Obama T-shirt, said she believed her candidate was not “desperate.”
“I think he pretty much knows he has the black votes, so why do this for political reasons?” Tenney said.
Obama has won the support of 90% of black voters in Democratic primaries.
Obama himself reminded reporters on his campaign plane Friday that he spoke at King’s church in Atlanta in January to mark King’s birthday and gave a major speech on race last month to address the criticism of Wright’s sermons.

noam.levey@latimes.com
maeve.reston@latimes.com
Levey reported from Washington and Reston from Memphis.

Glenn Loury @ TPMCafe a few days ago

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Losing the Narrative By Glenn Loury – March 31, 2008

To my mind, commentary about Obama’s ‘race’ speech in the press has been superficial and overtly, unreflectively partisan. (It was a fine speech, to be sure; don’t get me wrong. This guy is not only a brilliant politician, he’s a genuine intellectual. He has integrity. And, he’s brave, to boot.) Yet, as editorial writers rush to call it “the greatest speech on race since King’s 1963 oration…,” I can’t help but notice how they blithely overlook LBJ’s 1965 commencement speech at Howard University which, to my mind and by any serious historical standard, was easily a more important and historic statement. Johnson’s speech was, after all, a statement which had and still has consequences, in terms of major institutional reforms embodied in our nation’s laws and practices, affecting the lives of many millions of people over the span of two generations. (But, then, the Obama enthusiasts have successfully implanted the idea that it is somehow ‘racially insensitive to recall that LBJ’s skills, vision, courage and compassion were absolutely indispensable in bringing about the progress we all take for granted today…)
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Not like butter

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LJ, that would be my wife, says Bill Clinton is trying, at least subconsciously, to sabotage Hillary. I believe the opposite, that he just really, really wants her to win so he could burnish his legacy.

He’s never forgiven Al Gore for throwing away a gold-plated opportunity (if you don’t count the fact that Gore won and the Supremes took the presidency from him) to become president.

But incidents like this, of which there have been too many this primary and caucus season, lend credence to LJ’s position.

Hillary wins . . . nomination

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The Democratic National Committee do an about-face and ratify the fraudulent Florida primary, in which case, Michigan’s even more fraudulent primary results would also be accepted. Need I remember anyone that Sen. Clinton, (D-NY), won both those states.

Howard Dean and Florida’s elected officials are trying to figure out a way to do this now.

And the next presidential primary and caucus seasons will be even more chaotic. I mean, Michigan were supposed to follow party rules. They thumbed their collective noses at those rules and there’s no consequence.

Thinking and reassessing

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Jim Sleeper got me. We’d had our debates all those years ago but I was always fond of him. So, when we had our disagreements, it was a disagreement. I figured he believed what he believed and that was that.

But when we had lunch recently, after having been out of touch for several years, he intimated to me that he’d changed his mind about some of his old positions. He was not explicit and I did not challenge him. That would have been rude.

Mr. Sleeper has a piece at TPM Cafe now that absolutely blows me away. This is the thing. He was always a thinker, seriously assessing problems that afflict our society, especially when it comes to race, and the mind-bending ways that we go about not solving them.

Constraining us all to define our citizenship and even our personhood more and more by race and ethnicity in classrooms, workrooms, courtrooms, newsrooms, and boardrooms, today’s liberalism no longer curbs discrimination; it invites it. It does not expose racism; it recapitulates and, sometimes, reinvents it. Its tortured racial etiquette begets racial epithets, as surely as hypocrisy begets hostility. And it dishonors’ liberals’ own heroic past efforts to focus America’s race lens in the 1950s and ’60s, when conservative pieties about color blindness concealed monstrous injustices.

— Introduction to Liberal Racism, Jim Sleeper, 1997

In his TPM Cafe piece, he was taking a measure of Shelby Steele, a man I have no respect for but for whom, Mr. Sleeper, once upon a time, had high regards. Steele came out with a book, A Bound Man: Why We Are Excited About Obama and Why He Can’t Win, right before the presidential primaries and caucuses began.

His dismantling of Steele is so deeply thought out, so complex, yet methodical that it would not do justice to try and quote any passage without taking it out of context. It is a great read.

Some of Mr. Sleeper’s books, The Closest of Strangers and Liberal Racism: How Fixating on Race Subverts the American Dream, are available at Amazon.com. He wrote so well (and still does) about these issues that we really ought to go back and re-read what he said and reassess some of his observations about our society, our culture.

A good place to start, at least until you receive your books from Amazon, is Mr. Sleeper’s website at jimsleeper.com.