MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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Race

Webb

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“Black America and Scots-Irish America are like tortured siblings. They both have long history and they both missed the boat when it came to the larger benefits that a lot of other people were able to receive. There’s a saying in the Appalachian mountains that they say to one another, and it’s, ‘if you’re poor and white, you’re out of sight,’ ” Sen. Jim Webb, D-Virginia, said in this video.

“If this cultural group could get at the same table as black America you could rechange populist American politics. Because they have so much in common in terms of what they need out of government,” he added.

Listening to Jim Webb in this rather too brief snippet convinces me more than ever that he should be Sen. Barack Obama’s running mate. I don’t know if he’ll accept the vice-presidency but, I think, together, he and Obama could craft a message that could reshape the Democratic Party for generations to come.

I want to take race off the table as a wedge issue. I want to make the Republican Party a minority party that speaks to only a small percentage of Americans, the very wealthy. I believe in Webb and his wisdom. He should definitely be a part of the national dialogue.

He mentioned in the video a Wall Street Journal opinion-editorial article that he wrote in Oct. 2004. In Secret GOP Weapon: The Scots-Irish vote , Webb examined the Republican Party’s success wooing poor and working class whites to their cause:

To an outsider George W. Bush’s political demeanor seems little more than stumbling tautology. He utters his campaign message in clipped phrases, filled with bravado and repeated references to God, and to resoluteness of purpose. But to a trained eye and ear these performances have the deliberate balance of a country singer at the Grand Ole Opry.

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Race in Oregon

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A friend sent me an e-mail yesterday that I’m only seeing just now. She said:

[A]s you’ll be reading this on primary day tomorrow, I wonder why so little coverage of Obama’s big lead in Oregon — considering it is a much whiter state that W. Virginia or some of the other states Hillary has done well in. Oregon has less than a 2% black population, but Obama is leading big. Could it be some white people actually will vote for him? Even working class ones from small states?

Good question. I don’t pretend to know the answer. I know a lot has been said about Appalachia and the poor whites of Scots-Irish stock who just won’t cotton to voting for a black candidate.

In the general election, when the debate is properly joined, I would like to see Sen. Barack Obama test this out. I want to see him persuade these voters that he’s a much better alternative to what the Republicans are offering.

In an interesting article in The New Republic, John B. Judis examined how race is used in elections and how it is likely to play in this election. History guarantees that Republicans will appeal to race in every way possible during the election. The lesson, he said, is for Obama not to become his own walking Willie Horton advertisement.

In The Big Race: Obama and the psychology of the color barrier, John B. Judis, a senior editor at The New Republic who has authored several interesting pieces on the contests between Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton, argues that Obama’s success in the general election may depend on what terms the debate is framed. Obama could hit electoral jackpot if he is able to change the subject to the Iraq war and the moribund state of the American economy, Judis wrote. He continues near the end:

Some of these have to do with abilities. A 1995 study found that voters believe black politicians “lack competence on major issues.” Other stereotypes relate to ideology.

Several studies have shown that if subjects compare a black and white candidate with roughly equal political positions, they will nevertheless see the black candidate as more liberal. Obama is already vulnerable to charges of inexperience, and, after Wright surfaced, he fell prey to an ideological stereotype as well. Whereas he benefited in the initial primaries and caucuses from being seen as middleof-the-road or even conservative, his strongest support has recently come from more liberal voters. In Pennsylvania, he defeated Clinton among voters who classified themselves as “very liberal” by 55 to 45 percent, but he lost “somewhat conservative” voters by 53 to 47 percent and moderates by 60 to 40 percent. In a national Pew poll, Obama’s support among “very liberal” voters jumped seven points between January and May, while his support among “moderates” dropped by two points. Since Obama’s actual policies are, on the whole, no more liberal than Clinton’s (his health care plan, for instance, is inarguably more conservative), these trends strongly suggest that some voters are stereotyping him because of his race.

If Obama wins the Democratic nomination, he should be able to inherit the white women who backed Hillary Clinton. As political psychologists have shown, these voters should be largely amenable to his candidacy. He should also continue to enjoy an advantage among white professionals. But Obama is likely to continue having trouble with white working-class voters in the Midwest–voters who tend to score high on racial resentment and implicit association tests and who, arguably, decided the 2004 election with their votes in Ohio. Obama will also have trouble with Latinos and Asians, groups that score high on both indexes, and that can be important in states like California. It’s not hard to quantify Obama’s problem: If 9 to 12 percent of Democratic primary voters in swing states have been reluctant to support him because he is black, one can assume that, in the general election, 15 to 20 percent of Democrats or Democratic-leaning Independents may not support him for the same reason.

Can Obama surmount these obstacles? If the strong version of Mendelberg’s thesis is correct, then the very fact that Obama is African American will undercut any appeals to racial fears or resentments. And, if elections were held in the manner of the Iowa caucus, where voters publicly debate their positions and where Obama won substantial white workingclass support, then Mendelberg’s stronger thesis might well prove true. But elections are held in the privacy of a voting booth, where a voter can give voice to fears and resentments without danger of being heard. Obama may be able to sway some white voters to his side by drawing attention to race, but probably not enough to fully compensate for the disadvantage he faces.

If addressing racial resentments directly is not the answer, what is? As Mendelberg also suggests, it’s changing the subject–doing what the Republicans of the 1870s and the Democrats of the 1990s did. This year, that means diverting voters’ attention from the politics of race to the plight of the economy and the continuing quagmire in Iraq.

In the end, the lesson of political psychology for Democrats is not to avoid nominating black candidates. It is simply to understand that America’s racial history continues to influence the calculations of voters–sometimes near the forefronts of their minds, sometimes in the deep recesses of their unconscious. For liberals, acknowledging these obstacles is the first step to blunting them. If Obama can focus the election on the economy and Iraq, he could very well win in spite of the angry words of Reverend Wright and 200 years of both old- fashioned racism and newfangled racial resentment. If he can’t, he is likely to suffer the same fate as Michael Dukakis–and this time it won’t take a Willie Horton commercial.

I have been vacillating between being optimistic and not so far this year. I will settle for Obama coming out alive, his family and integrity intact, whether he wins the election or not.

'Race and American Memory'

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Roger Cohen of The New York Times (or should I say the International Herald Tribune?) is fast becoming my favorite columnist. He is a great writer with a searching conscience and vision.

Cohen was writing about the decision by Congress in 2003 to spend $500 million to build the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture, which is set to open in 2015.

The question Cohen asked, after taking a measure of the Holocaust Museum, was why there is no institution before now to wrestle with the America’s tortured racial history, especially as it pertains to slavery, Jim Crow laws, and violence perpetrated against African Americans, including lynchings.

A timely question.

For nations to confront their failings is arduous. It involves what Germans, experts in this field, call Geschichtspolitik, or “the politics of history.” It demands the passage from the personal to the universal, from individual memory to memorial. Yet there is as yet in the United States no adequate memorial to the ravages of race.

The King Center is a fine institution. But it’s a modest museum, like others scattered through the country that deal with aspects of the nation’s most divisive subject. Why, I wondered as I viewed the exhibit, does the Holocaust, a German crime, hold pride of place over U.S. lynchings in American memorialization?

Let’s be clear: I am not comparing Jim Crow with industrialized mass murder, or suggesting an exact Klan-Nazi moral equivalency. But I do think some psychological displacement is at work when a magnificent Holocaust Memorial Museum, in which the criminals are not Americans, precedes a Washington institution of equivalent stature dedicated to the saga of national violence that is slavery and segregation.

I lived in Berlin for three years, a period spanning the Bundestag’s decision in 1999 to build a Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. The debate, 54 years after the collapse of Hitler’s Reich, was fraught. It takes time to traverse the politics of history, confront guilt and arrive at an adequate memorialization of national crimes that also offers a possible path to reconciliation.

Germans have confronted the monstrous in them. In the end, they concluded the taint was so pervasive that Degussa, which was linked to the company that produced Zyklon-B gas, was permitted to provide the anti-graffiti coating for the memorial. The truth can be brutal, but flight from it even more devastating.

America’s heroic narrative of itself is still in flight from race.

Part of Obama's Indiana Speech

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Obama: Our Politics Should “Live Up” To Martin Luther King’s Legacy By Greg Sargent, TPM Election Central, April 4, 2008
In Indiana this morning, Obama gave a speech marking the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.
One interesting bit: Obama brought up his recent speech on race relations, and drew an implicit link between King’s lofty goals and his own call for a bigger politics…
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis.
Obama also emphasized an oft-overlooked aspect of King’s legacy — his battle for economic justice — and put it in the context of our present problems:

As Mike said, today represents a tragic anniversary for our country. Through his faith, courage, and wisdom, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. moved an entire nation. He preached the gospel of brotherhood; of equality and justice. That’s the cause for which he lived – and for which he died forty years ago today. And so before we begin, I ask you to join me in a moment of silence in memory of this extraordinary American.
There’s been a lot of discussion this week about how Dr. King’s life and legacy speak to us today. It’s taking place in our schools and churches, on television and around the dinner table. And I suspect that much of what folks are talking about centers on issues of racial justice – on the Montgomery bus boycott and the March on Washington, on the freedom rides and the stand at Selma.
And that’s as it should be – because those were times when ordinary men and women, straight-backed and clear-eyed, challenged what they knew was wrong and helped perfect our union. And they did so in large part because Dr. King pointed the way.
But I also think it’s worth reflecting on what Dr. King was doing in Memphis, when he stepped onto that motel balcony on his way out for dinner.
And what he was doing was standing up for struggling sanitation workers. For years, these workers had served their city without complaint, picking up other people’s trash for little pay and even less respect. Passers-by would call them “walking buzzards,” and in the segregated South, most were forced to use separate drinking fountains and bathrooms.
But in 1968, these workers decided they’d had enough, and over 1,000 went on strike. Their demands were modest – better wages, better benefits, and recognition of their union. But the opposition was fierce. Their vigils were met with handcuffs. Their protests turned back with mace. And at the end of one march, a 16-year old boy lay dead.
This is the struggle that brought Dr. King to Memphis. It was a struggle for economic justice, for the opportunity that should be available to people of all races and all walks of life. Because Dr. King understood that the struggle for economic justice and the struggle for racial justice were really one – that each was part of a larger struggle “for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity.” So long as Americans were trapped in poverty, so long as they were being denied the wages, benefits, and fair treatment they deserved – so long as opportunity was being opened to some but not all – the dream that he spoke of would remain out of reach.
And on the eve of his death, Dr. King gave a sermon in Memphis about what the movement there meant to him and to America. And in tones that would prove eerily prophetic, Dr. King said that despite the threats he’d received, he didn’t fear any man, because he had been there when Birmingham aroused the conscience of this nation. And he’d been there to see the students stand up for freedom by sitting in at lunch counters. And he’d been there in Memphis when it was dark enough to see the stars, to see the community coming together around a common purpose. So Dr. King had been to the mountaintop. He had seen the Promised Land. And while he knew somewhere deep in his bones that he would not get there with us, he knew that we would get there.
He knew it because he had seen that Americans have “the capacity,” as he said that night, “to project the ‘I’ into the ‘thou.’” To recognize that no matter what the color of our skin, no matter what faith we practice, no matter how much money we have – no matter whether we are sanitation workers or United States Senators – we all have a stake in one another, we are our brother’s keeper, we are our sister’s keeper, and “either we go up together, or we go down together.”
And when he was killed the following day, it left a wound on the soul of our nation that has yet to fully heal. And in few places was the pain more pronounced than in Indianapolis, where Robert Kennedy happened to be campaigning. And it fell to him to inform a crowded park that Dr. King had been killed. And as the shock turned toward anger, Kennedy reminded them of Dr. King’s compassion, and his love. And on a night when cities across the nation were alight with violence, all was quiet in Indianapolis.
In the dark days after Dr. King’s death, Coretta Scott King pointed out the stars. She took up her husband’s cause and led a march in Memphis. But while those sanitation workers eventually got their union contract, the struggle for economic justice remains an unfinished part of the King legacy. Because the dream is still out of reach for too many Americans. Just this morning, it was announced that more Americans are unemployed now than at any time in years. And all across this country, families are facing rising costs, stagnant wages, and the terrible burden of losing a home.
Part of the problem is that for a long time, we’ve had a politics that’s been too small for the scale of the challenges we face. This is something I spoke about a few weeks ago in a speech I gave in Philadelphia. And what I said was that instead of having a politics that lives up to Dr. King’s call for unity, we’ve had a politics that’s used race to drive us apart, when all this does is feed the forces of division and distraction, and stop us from solving our problems.
That is why the great need of this hour is much the same as it was when Dr. King delivered his sermon in Memphis. We have to recognize that while we each have a different past, we all share the same hopes for the future — that we’ll be able to find a job that pays a decent wage, that there will be affordable health care when we get sick, that we’ll be able to send our kids to college, and that after a lifetime of hard work, we’ll be able to retire with security. They’re common hopes, modest dreams. And they’re at the heart of the struggle for freedom, dignity, and humanity that Dr. King began, and that it is our task to complete.
You know, Dr. King once said that the arc of the moral universe is long, but that it bends toward justice. But what he also knew was that it doesn’t bend on its own. It bends because each of us puts our hands on that arc and bends it in the direction of justice.
So on this day – of all days – let’s each do our part to bend that arc.
Let’s bend that arc toward justice.
Let’s bend that arc toward opportunity.
Let’s bend that arc toward prosperity for all.
And if we can do that and march together – as one nation, and one people – then we won’t just be keeping faith with what Dr. King lived and died for, we’ll be making real the words of Amos that he invoked so often, and “let justice roll down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

What we talk about . . .

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It was a consciously somber, serious disquisition on an incendiary topic. Going into it, I lamented the absurdity of Sen. Barack Obama, (D-IL), having to make the speech in the first place. A third of the way into it, I was glad he was making the speech.

I don’t believe the speech will settle anything for those who were not going to support Obama anyway. It may not even have persuaded former supporters who broke with him over the issue.

But, if you’re open-minded, this was the nuanced, heartfelt speech you hoped for. He eschewed the obvious rah, rah political applause lines and spoke quietly, calmly, without anger or frustration. I am glad he gave the speech.

I should say that one line in the speech rang false to me:

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country – a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

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ATTACK STIRS HISPANICS ANGER ANEW

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By Michael O. Allen and Vera Titunik, Record Staff Writers |

Wednesday, October 16, 1991

The Record (New Jersey) | 6 Star | NEWS | Page B01

The mugging of a 67-year-old Englewood man well-known in the Colombian community has angered the city’s Hispanics, who were victimized by a series of muggings earlier this year.

Julio Hincapie, who was often seen in the city’s Colombian restaurants or riding his old bicycle and toting an ever-present leather pouch, was beaten and robbed Friday night by four men on Demarest Avenue, near Central Avenue.

He remained in Englewood Hospital Tuesday in good condition, a hospital spokeswoman said.

Those who know him say Hincapie sells things and helps people out by conveying messages and running errands.

“He’s a guy who is very popular,” said David Bernal, vice president of the United Latin Lions Club of Englewood. “He’s everybody’s messenger. You need someone to go to the bank, to go to the grocery store, he goes for you.”

The Colombian-born Hincapie is known as “Parranda,” a nickname he picked up in his youth meaning somebody “who likes to party,” Bernal said.

Police responded to his calls for help about 9:15 p.m. Friday and found him bleeding from a cut on the right side of his head, Englewood Detective Capt. C. Kenneth Tinsley said.

The attackers kicked and punched him and knocked him to the ground, then removed his coat and his leather bag, which contained an undetermined amount of money, Tinsley said. Hincapie was also treated for an arm injury, he said.

Residents came before the City Council in force early last spring after a spate of muggings in a largely Hispanic neighborhood near St. Cecilia’s Catholic Church on Demarest Avenue.

Police responded in the spring by meeting with neighborhood leaders to encourage the formation of a block association. They also set up a mobile police precinct a made-over bookmobile to increase police presence and reach out to the community. But because the mobile precinct became stifling in the summer heat, it was rarely put to use.

“We want to speak to the mayor and police,” Bernal said. “What have they been doing since the problem started in the Hispanic community?”

Mayor Donald Aronson said he deplored the violence and would speak to the city manager, but said his authority was limited. Under the city charter, the city manager, not the mayor or council, is responsible for the day-to-day operations of the city’s departments, including the police.

“The Hispanic community looks at the mayor of Englewood as if he was the mayor of Bogota,” Colombia, Aronson said. “I will bring it up to the people who have authority. I will find out the facts. I will see him [Hincapie] and express the anguish of the city of Englewood.”

Keywords: ENGLEWOOD; ASSAULT; HISPANIC; RACE

ID: 17358279 | Copyright © 1991, The Record (New Jersey)