MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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Slavery

Questlove Singes O’Reilly’s on Slavery

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“I dunno if that man’s (never say his name) point is to troll at any cost whatsoever but his entire existence is a 5 steps backwards for any progress made in humanity.”

6-gordonQuestlove ran the following on his Instagram (with the attached photograph): Slavery was inhumane. Slavery was sadistic. Slavery was uncomfortable. Slavery was unjust. Slavery was a nightmare. Slavery was a despicable act. Slavery is the pebble whose ripple in the river still resonates on and on and on and on. I’d like to think most of you have common sense. But there is nothing more dangerous than a man in a suit pretending to be a journalist giving revisionist history on the ugliness that was slavery. What’s so fun and lighthearted about being shackled? being separated from your loved ones? Being molested and raped HOURLY, being branded with hot iron? being property? being castrated? being flogged? being malnourished? living in high stress conditions? forced to lay in your own feces? being sold in a heartbeat? suppressing ANY emotion (with the surprising exception of singing it was illegal —lashes or death–to read, write, “talk back” or “sass”, cry (how many of you heard “you better NOT cry before I give you something to cry about!”), get angry, or even more surprising LAUGHING (a plantation barrel of water was always in proximity to dunk ones head in so one could express emotions and suppress the sound as to not alert your overseer of your “sassing”—deep history I just learned about laughing and the slave period—the first recorded song “The Laughing Song” was the defiant “F%^k Tha Police” of its day (also where the term “Barrel Of Laughs” gets its origin)—I’m getting beside the point. I dunno if that man’s (never say his name) point is to troll at any cost whatsoever but his entire existence is a 5 steps backwards for any progress made in humanity. My dismay is the percentage of people who get their news from memes/headlines/& sources to whom they have 0 clue is feeding them false information. Human Trafficking in any form from today’s underage prostitution, to the private Prison System we exercise here in the US, to the Holocaust to 500 years of Slavery–and all other examples I’ve not mentioned is INHUMANE & Evil. —watch where you get your information from and the company you keep people.

"A Tiny Ripple of Hope"

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I came across this speech (Facebook, then Daily Kos) and thought I should share:

Mr. Chancellor, Mr. Vice Chancellor, Professor Robertson, Mr. Diamond, Mr. Daniel, and Ladies and Gentlemen

I come here this evening because of my deep interest and affection for a land settled by the Dutch in the mid-seventeenth century, then taken over by the British, and at last independent; a land in which the native inhabitants were at first subdued, but relations with whom remain a problem to this day; a land which defined itself on a hostile frontier; a land which has tamed rich natural resources through the energetic application of modern technology; a land which once the importer of slaves, and now must struggle to wipe out the last traces of that former bondage. I refer, of course, to the United States of America.

But I am glad to come here — and my wife and I and all of our party are glad to come here to South Africa, and we’re glad to come to Cape Town. I am already greatly enjoying my stay and my visit here. I am making an effort to meet and exchange views with people of all walks of life, and all segments of South African opinion, including those who represent the views of the government.

Today I am glad to meet with the National Union of South African Students. For a decade, NUSAS has stood and worked for the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights — principles which embody the collective hopes of men of good will all around the globe. Your work at home and in international student affairs has brought great credit to yourselves and to your country. I know the National Student Association in the United States feels a particularly close relationship with this organization.

And I wish to thank especially Mr. Ian Robertson, who first extended the invitation on behalf of NUSAS. I wish to thank him for his kindness to me in inviting me. I am very sorry that he can not be with us here this evening. I was happy to have had the opportunity to meet and speak with him earlier this evening. And I presented him with a copy of Profiles in Courage which was a book that was written by President John Kennedy and was signed to him by President Kennedy’s widow, Mrs. John Kennedy.

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A Mercy

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Nobel laureate and Pulitzer-prize winner Toni Morrison has a new book, “A Mercy,” out. I cannot wait to get my hands on it.

From a review in the village voice:

Seventy-seven-year-old Morrison sets her story down in primeval America in the 1680s, before slavery is institutionalized but when the law grants “license to any white to kill any black for any reason.” Any social comfort between laborers and landowners is crushed. Morrison’s opener—the confession of a slave girl—becomes the foundation for a creation myth: the genesis of racist America, with Adam and Eve played by the Anglo-Dutch trader Jacob Vaark and his mail-order bride, Rebekka, who arrives by boat, grateful to have escaped the squalor of London. Cast out of this new American Eden as unbelievers and orphans, they build a “family” of the unwanted: Lina, a Native-American servant who “cawed with birds” and whose village was decimated by smallpox; Sorrow, a “mongrelized” girl who had “never lived on land” and washes up on shore after a shipwreck; Will and Scully, indentured gay servants; and Florens, the confessor.

In August, she told New York magazine that:

“I really wanted to get to a place before slavery was equated with race,” says Morrison. “Whether they were black or white was less important than what they owned and what their power was.” She speaks from her home on the Hudson River in Rockland County, as an “inconvenient but exciting” summer thunderstorm rages outside. At 77 and preparing for her last year of teaching at Princeton, she has a high, soft, almost timid voice—perhaps the result of having just recorded the audio version of A Mercy (“three days of complete misery”). But her stated purpose—defining an America where race isn’t everything—couldn’t be clearer: “There is no civilization that did not rest on unpaid labor—not Athens, not Russia, not England, no one,” she says. “The exoticism came with race.”

(Photo by Timothy Greenfield-Sanders)

She read excerpts on NPR, which were presented in four podcasts in late October. Her reading voice is so beautiful and the poetry of her prose so transporting that I may have to buy the audio book as well (that is, if she read it). Here’s an excerpt of text that accompanied the podcasts:

A Mercy is a lyrical novel set in 17th century America. One of the central characters is a black slave girl whose mother gives her up to a stranger in the hope that she will have a better life. But the book also features white and Native American characters who are working in servitude.

Morrison says she wrote the novel in an effort to “remove race from slavery.” She notes that in researching the book, she read White Cargo by Don Jordan and Michael Walsh, and was surprised to learn that many white Americans are descended from slaves.

“Every civilization in the world relied on [slavery],” says Morrison. “The notion was that there was a difference between black slaves and white slaves, but there wasn’t.”

White slaves, called indentured servants, were people who traded their freedom for their passage to America.

“The suggestion has always been that they could work off their passage in seven years generally, and then they would be free,” says Morrison. “But in fact, you could be indentured for life and frequently were. The only difference between African slaves and European or British slaves was that the latter could run away and melt into the population. But if you were black, you were noticeable.”

First, Beloved, Morrison’s Pulitzer-prize winning novel, set off a minor civil war. Then, when she won the Nobel, all hell broke lose. Yet, she carries on. A singular voice that speaks truths some don’t want to hear.

The Guardian of London had a review in October:

In her essay ‘Playing in the Dark’, Toni Morrison looked back to the founding of America and observed: ‘What was distinctive in the New World was, first of all, its claim to freedom, and second, the presence of the unfree within the heart of the democratic experiment.’ This sentiment – that ideals of economic and political liberty were dependent on brutal enslavement – is the starting place of all her work, and this, her first novel for five years, is another distillation of it. In her essays and novels, she has pursued – and mostly won – the argument that the history and literature of America were predicated on the exclusion of the black part of its population, that the myths of nation-building contained an explicit or an unspoken ‘us’ and ‘them’. That this book will be published in the week before her nation may choose a President who for the first time could eclipse that divide, who could make ‘them’ ‘us’, lends it a fundamental resonance.

The subject of slavery is one that has vexed Ms. Morrison a long time. Michiko Kakutani, the chief literary critic at The New York Times, was the main champion of “Beloved.” In her Tuesday, Nov. 4 review of “A Mercy,” she praised the new book as a worthy addition to the earlier novel:

A horrifying act stood at the center of Toni Morrison’s 1987 masterwork, “Beloved”: a runaway slave, caught in her effort to escape, cuts the throat of her baby daughter with a handsaw, determined to spare the girl the fate she herself has suffered as a slave. A similarly indelible act stands at the center of Ms. Morrison’s remarkable new novella, “A Mercy,” a small, plangent gem of a story that is, at once, a kind of prelude to “Beloved” and a variation on that earlier book’s exploration of the personal costs of slavery — a system that moves men and women and children around “like checkers” and casts a looming shadow over both parental and romantic love.

Set some 200 years before “Beloved,” “A Mercy” conjures up the beautiful, untamed, lawless world that was America in the 17th century with the same sort of lyrical, verdant prose that distinguished that earlier novel. Gone are the didactic language and schematic architecture that hobbled the author’s 1998 novel, “Paradise”; gone are the cartoonish characters that marred her 2003 novel, “Love.” Instead Ms. Morrison has rediscovered an urgent, poetic voice that enables her to move back and forth with immediacy and ease between the worlds of history and myth, between ordinary daily life and the realm of fable.

This is how the review ends:

The main storyteller in this volume is Florens, who, abandoned by the blacksmith, feels herself “an ice floe cut away from the riverbank.” But her voice is just one in this choral tale — a tale that not only emerges as a heartbreaking account of lost innocence and fractured dreams, but also stands, with “Beloved,” as one of Ms. Morrison’s most haunting works yet.

March of history

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I found this story, From slave cabin to White House, a family rooted in black America, published by the Times of London, over the weekend and could not get over it.

As an immigrant to this country, I cannot claim to know what African-Americans who have slaves for ancestors must feel at this barrier-shattering historic moment. I know how I feel and the hope it gives me about the future of my children in particular, about our society in general, and especially the world.

I have been trying to collect my thoughts on all that, which I’ll share in a future post.

Meanwhile, it is interesting that the Times, a British newspaper, published this story about Michelle Obama’s family. I have not a read a comparable piece of journalism in an American newspaper.

Over almost four centuries, countless Africans were chained in slave ships for the dreaded “Middle Passage” across the Atlantic. Although there is no definitive total, Unesco estimates that 14,270,000 Africans were sold into slavery in the New World. By the time of the American Revolution, one out of five people in the Colonies was a slave, and the majority of people in South Carolina were black (African-Americans now make up about an eighth of the US population). So many slaves were shipped to South Carolina’s Lowcountry that the region is sometimes described as the Ellis Island of African-Americans – a reference to the immigration station in New York harbour that processed tens of millions of new arrivals from Europe – and that Mrs Obama can trace her family back to this area shows the extent of her African-American roots. Her husband has called her “the most quintessentially American woman I know” and her lineage could displace that of Alex Haley, the author of Roots, as the model of the African-American experience.

The Friendfield Plantation dates to 1733 when John Ouldfield received a 630-acre land grant along the Sampit River. James Withers, a wealthy brickmaker, indigo planter and rice farmer from Charleston, bought the property the following year and it remained in his family until 1879. Before the civil war, rice cultivation in South Carolina made plantation owners immensely rich – the port of Georgetown even shipped its “Carolina Gold” to China – and the convention is that slaves provided only labour, but recent academic research has revised this view. In her book Black Rice, Professor Judith Carney argues that slaves from the “Rice Coast” of West Africa taught their owners much of how to grow the crop. An early newspaper advertisement in Charleston, for example, offered for sale 250 slaves “from the Windward and Rice Coast, valued for their knowledge of rice culture”.

History does not record how Jim Robinson arrived on the Friendfield Plantation. Research by The Washington Post shows that he was born in about 1850 and suggests that he lived on the plantation as a slave until the civil war. The 1880 census describes him living near the plantation’s white owners as an illiterate farmhand with a three-year-old son, Gabriel. A second son, Fraser, Mrs Obama’s great-grandfather, was born in 1884.

I won’t talk here about the role of the British in the slave trade. Instead, I want us, as we reckon with this historic moment, to recognize where this march of history has brought Michelle Obama, her children, her us, and our nation.

Obama wins!

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Phil Velasquez / Chicago Tribune
The first-term Democratic senator from Illinois defeats Republican John McCain.
Reporting from Phoenix and Los Angeles — Barack Obama became the first African American to capture the presidency of the United States tonight when his projected wins in Virginia, Florida and California clinched the election.

According to Associated Press projections, the Democratic senator from Illinois had 324 electoral votes; he needed 270 to capture the prize he had sought for almost two years of campaigning. Delaware Sen. Joe Biden will become the next vice president.

The victory appeared inevitable earlier in the evening when Obama captured Ohio and Pennsylvania, taking two key states that Republican John McCain had hoped to win. Ohio was a Republican state that Obama flipped into the Democratic column; Pennsylvania, a longtime Democratic state, had been fiercely contested by the Republicans.

Live updates from Grant Park: Tens of thousands converge for Obama rally


Watch live: Behind the scenes in Grant Park
Grant Park photos | Rally portraits | Your Grant Park photos


Election 2008
Tuesday, November 4, 2008 | 11:25 p.m. ET.

Supporters in Chicago cheer Obama’s victory. (Photo: Nikki Kahn/Post)

Democratic candidate becomes first African American to win the presidency.

| 11:10 p.m. ET

Victory Redraws Political Mapspacer

The Fix | Obama has made good on his promise to expand the election map — running surprisingly strongly in traditionally red states.

Chris Cillizza | 11:10 p.m. ET

Dems Pick Up Four GOP Seatsspacer

Race for Congress | Among victories for Democrats is Kay Hagan beating Republican Sen. Elizabeth Dole in North Carolina.

William Branigin | 10:48 p.m. ET

'Race and American Memory'

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Roger Cohen of The New York Times (or should I say the International Herald Tribune?) is fast becoming my favorite columnist. He is a great writer with a searching conscience and vision.

Cohen was writing about the decision by Congress in 2003 to spend $500 million to build the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture, which is set to open in 2015.

The question Cohen asked, after taking a measure of the Holocaust Museum, was why there is no institution before now to wrestle with the America’s tortured racial history, especially as it pertains to slavery, Jim Crow laws, and violence perpetrated against African Americans, including lynchings.

A timely question.

For nations to confront their failings is arduous. It involves what Germans, experts in this field, call Geschichtspolitik, or “the politics of history.” It demands the passage from the personal to the universal, from individual memory to memorial. Yet there is as yet in the United States no adequate memorial to the ravages of race.

The King Center is a fine institution. But it’s a modest museum, like others scattered through the country that deal with aspects of the nation’s most divisive subject. Why, I wondered as I viewed the exhibit, does the Holocaust, a German crime, hold pride of place over U.S. lynchings in American memorialization?

Let’s be clear: I am not comparing Jim Crow with industrialized mass murder, or suggesting an exact Klan-Nazi moral equivalency. But I do think some psychological displacement is at work when a magnificent Holocaust Memorial Museum, in which the criminals are not Americans, precedes a Washington institution of equivalent stature dedicated to the saga of national violence that is slavery and segregation.

I lived in Berlin for three years, a period spanning the Bundestag’s decision in 1999 to build a Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. The debate, 54 years after the collapse of Hitler’s Reich, was fraught. It takes time to traverse the politics of history, confront guilt and arrive at an adequate memorialization of national crimes that also offers a possible path to reconciliation.

Germans have confronted the monstrous in them. In the end, they concluded the taint was so pervasive that Degussa, which was linked to the company that produced Zyklon-B gas, was permitted to provide the anti-graffiti coating for the memorial. The truth can be brutal, but flight from it even more devastating.

America’s heroic narrative of itself is still in flight from race.

History

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Douglas A. Blackmon reaches deep into history to re-examine some of our past: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II.

This is how Random House, the publisher, described the book:

In this groundbreaking historical exposé, Douglas A. Blackmon brings to light one of the most shameful chapters in American history—an “Age of Neoslavery” that thrived from the aftermath of the Civil War through the dawn of World War II.

Under laws enacted specifically to intimidate blacks, tens of thousands of African Americans were arbitrarily arrested, hit with outrageous fines, and charged for the costs of their own arrests. With no means to pay these ostensible “debts,” prisoners were sold as forced laborers to coal mines, lumber camps, brickyards, railroads, quarries, and farm plantations. Thousands of other African Americans were simply seized by southern landowners and compelled into years of involuntary servitude. Government officials leased falsely imprisoned blacks to small-town entrepreneurs, provincial farmers, and dozens of corporations—including U.S. Steel—looking for cheap and abundant labor. Armies of “free” black men labored without compensation, were repeatedly bought and sold, and were forced through beatings and physical torture to do the bidding of white masters for decades after the official abolition of American slavery.

(Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center/Doubleday) John L. Spivak’s 1932 photo of a prisoner punished in Georgia.
The neoslavery system exploited legal loopholes and federal policies that discouraged prosecution of whites for continuing to hold black workers against their wills. As it poured millions of dollars into southern government treasuries, the new slavery also became a key instrument in the terrorization of African Americans seeking full participation in the U.S. political system.

(Library of Congress/Doubleday) Carl Weiss’s 1898 photo of a chain gang in Thomasville, Ga.

Based on a vast record of original documents and personal narratives, Slavery by Another Name unearths the lost stories of slaves and their descendants who journeyed into freedom after the Emancipation Proclamation and then back into the shadow of involuntary servitude. It also reveals the stories of those who fought unsuccessfully against the re-emergence of human labor trafficking, the modern companies that profited most from neoslavery, and the system’s final demise in the 1940s, partly due to fears of enemy propaganda about American racial abuse at the beginning of World War II.
Slavery by Another Name is a moving, sobering account of a little-known crime against African Americans, and the insidious legacy of racism that reverberates today.

Read an excerpt of Slavery by Another Name here. A wealth of material about book and author can be found at http://www.slaverybyanothername.com/

About the book’s author: DOUGLAS A. BLACKMON is the Atlanta Bureau Chief of the Wall Street Journal. He has written extensively on race, the economy, and American society. Reared in the Mississippi Delta, he lives in downtown Atlanta with his wife and children.