MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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Wall Street Journal

Republican war against voting

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The GOP’s Blame-ACORN Game By Peter Dreier & John Atlas This article appeared in the November 10, 2008 edition of The Nation.

An increasingly desperate Republican attack machine has recently identified the community organizing group ACORN as Public Enemy Number One. Among ACORN’s alleged crimes, perhaps the most serious is that it caused, nearly single-handedly, the world’s financial crisis. That’s the fantasy. In the reality-based world, it was ACORN that sounded the alarm about the exploitative lending practices that led to the current mortgage meltdown and financial crisis.

Since the 1970s ACORN, which has 400,000 low- and moderate-income “member families” in more than 100 cities in forty states, has been warning Congress to protect borrowers from the banking industry’s irresponsible, risky and predatory practices–subprime loans, racial discrimination (called “redlining”) and rip-off fees. ACORN has persistently called for stronger regulations on banks, private mortgage companies, mortgage brokers and rating agencies. For years, ACORN has alerted public officials that the industry was hoodwinking many families into taking out risky loans they couldn’t afford and whose fine print they couldn’t understand.

Now John McCain and his fellow conservatives are accusing ACORN of strong-arming Congress and big Wall Street banks into making subprime loans to poor families who couldn’t afford them, thus causing the economic disaster. McCain’s campaign is running a one-and-a-half-minute video that claims Barack Obama once worked for ACORN, repeats the accusation that ACORN is responsible for widespread voter registration fraud and accuses ACORN of “bullying banks, intimidation tactics, and disruption of business.” The ad claims that ACORN “forced banks to issue risky home loans–the same types of loans that caused the financial crisis we’re in today.”

For months, the right-wing echo chamber–bloggers, columnists, editorial writers and TV and radio talk-show hosts–has pitched in with a well-orchestrated campaign to blame the mortgage crisis on ACORN and the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA), the 1977 anti-redlining law. In a September 27 editorial, the Wall Street Journal wrote that “ACORN has promoted laws like the Community Reinvestment Act, which laid the foundation for the house of cards built out of subprime loans” and then falsely claimed the bailout bill would create a trust fund “pipeline” to fill ACORN’s coffers. On October 14 the Journal‘s lead editorial, Obama and ACORN, described ACORN as a “shady outfit” and accused the group of being “a major contributor to the subprime meltdown by pushing lenders to make home loans on easy terms, conducting ‘strikes’ against banks so they’d lower credit standards.”

Continue . . .

Slow to Refocus

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Late to Digital, Leica Slow to Refocus:

German Camera Pioneer Fired American CEO Who Pressed for Filmless Future

By MIKE ESTERL

SOLMS, Germany — Leica Camera AG’s employment dispute with fired Chief Executive Steven Lee brings to light the venerable German company’s troubles moving into the digital age.

The quirky company, which helped create modern photography in the early 20th century, stuck too long with film technology and now faces mounting losses and sinking sales.

Since 2006, Leica has been controlled by Andreas Kaufmann, a 54-year-old German aristocrat. A wealthy photography aficionado, he decided to buy the company to rescue it. Mr. Kaufmann imported Mr. Lee, an aggressive American executive from Best Buy Co.

As part of a turnaround effort, Mr. Lee pressed longtime employees to turn out digital products more quickly. He also tried to replace Leica’s small network of specialty dealers with Internet sales and kiosks in upscale resorts.

Mr. Kaufmann eventually fired Mr. Lee after employees complained about his management and the company’s sales slumped. “My mandate was not to be Mr. Nice Guy,” says Mr. Lee, 54, who worked for two decades at International Business Machines Corp. before becoming a Best Buy executive. He recently moved back to Minneapolis and is suing Leica for wrongful dismissal. A German court held a hearing in June but has issued no ruling.

Leica helped pioneer the 35-millimeter film format that took photography out of the studio and into the streets. Many of the 20th century’s most arresting moments of revolution, war and its aftermath were captured by Leicas, the camera clutched by Henri Cartier-Bresson, Alfred Eisenstaedt, Robert Capa and other photographers.

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Bridge over ethics

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Ethics Adviser Warned Palin About Trooper Issue

Letter Described Situation as ‘Grave,’ Called for Apology By JIM CARLTON, Wall Street Journal, September 11, 2008; Page A8

ANCHORAGE, Alaska — An informal adviser who has counseled Gov. Sarah Palin on ethics issues urged her in July to apologize for her handling of the dismissal of the state’s public safety commissioner and warned that the matter could snowball into a bigger scandal.

(Photo by the Associated Press: Alaska State Trooper Mike Wooten (right) answers questions about the ‘Troopergate’ investigation on Tuesday)

He also said, in a letter reviewed by The Wall Street Journal, that she should fire any aides who had raised concerns with the chief over a state trooper who was involved in a bitter divorce with the governor’s sister.

In the letter, written before Sen. John McCain picked the Alaska governor as his running mate, former U.S. Attorney Wevley Shea warned Gov. Palin that “the situation is now grave” and recommended that she and her husband, Todd Palin, apologize for “overreaching or perceived overreaching” for using her position to try to get Trooper Mike Wooten fired from the force.

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What About the Smog?

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Wearing pajamas and flip-flops in public is a fashion faux pas according to an etiquette book released by Beijing officials.

For Beijing, Etiquette Isn’t a Game By LORETTA CHAO, August 1, 2008; Page A7

BEIJING — From pollution to terrorism, the list of worries Beijing officials have to contend with is substantial, with fashion now apparently one of them.

Beijing officials have distributed 4.3 million copies of an etiquette book outlining rules on good manners and foreign customs, including rules about what not to wear. The guide is part of an effort by various departments within China’s government to clean the city up in preparation for the at least 400,000 foreign visitors who are expected to descend on its capital for the Olympic Games, which start Aug. 8.

Among the no-no’s: more than three color shades in an outfit, white socks with black shoes, and pajamas and slippers in public.

“No matter what, never wear too many colors…especially during formal occasions,” the book said. “When you wear [formal shoes], be sure to wear socks in good condition…socks should be a dark color — never match black leather shoes with white socks.”

“Older women should choose shoes with heels that aren’t too high,” it said.

The book, published by the Beijing Municipal Government’s Capital Ethic Development Office, is part of the department’s effort to make Beijing more “civilized,” officials said.

Along the same lines, Beijing authorities announced earlier this year that they would step up efforts to fine people who spit in public as much as 50 yuan ($7.33).

CONTINUE . . .

The 'Numbers guy'

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That would be Carl Bialik, who examines the way numbers are used and abused in a blog at the Wall Street Journal, crunches the numbers post-Pennsylvania.

He does not in this post reach a earth-shattering conclusion different from conventional wisdom but it’s still an enjoyable read, especially when you consider he’s dealing in numbers.

The numbers do not favor Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton’s cause. Unless you change the rules and make them all favor her. Even then, they bring only close enough for an almost tie.

(Jae C. Hong/Associated Press) Barack Obama on his campaign plane Wednesday.

(Joe Raedle/Getty Images) Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton on a flight to Washington on Tuesday.

Her argument to the Superdelegates then, argument which she voiced in Pennsylvania, would be that she is best suited for the general election because Sen. Barack Obama is simply the kind of candidate Democrats nominate only to see them lose ignominiously in the general election.

So, overturn the results so far and give the nomination to her, even if she is trailing by all the measures by which you determine the party nominee.

She, for instance, is saying that results from caucuses should not count because they skew to Mr. Obama’s strength, which is organizing. I consider myself a political junkie and this is the first time I’ve heard this argument against the caucuses.

There’s a certain part of me that appreciates HRC’s win-at-all-cost mentality. For once, I don’t want to be virtuous. I want to see Democrats give Republicans a dose (maybe even more than that) of their own medicine.

I don’t know what Sen. John McCain, the Republican nominee, has to say about anything. I know he believes war is a good thing, that people need to get second jobs to deal with the declining economy and the credit crisis, and that he and the money bags he married are sitting on a mountain of wealth.

A debate between the Democratic Party nominee, Clinton or Obama, and this corrupt and unprincipled man should be a no-contest. HRC is a fighter. She’s more than demonstrated that? But, can she guarantee a win?

No. And, is it too much to want some grace and intelligence and brilliance, all of which Obama possesses in abundance (which Clinton does too, except for the grace part) in your nominee? And when you consider Obama already leads in the number of votes and delegates and by any other measure you want to use, why overturn that?

History

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Douglas A. Blackmon reaches deep into history to re-examine some of our past: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II.

This is how Random House, the publisher, described the book:

In this groundbreaking historical exposé, Douglas A. Blackmon brings to light one of the most shameful chapters in American history—an “Age of Neoslavery” that thrived from the aftermath of the Civil War through the dawn of World War II.

Under laws enacted specifically to intimidate blacks, tens of thousands of African Americans were arbitrarily arrested, hit with outrageous fines, and charged for the costs of their own arrests. With no means to pay these ostensible “debts,” prisoners were sold as forced laborers to coal mines, lumber camps, brickyards, railroads, quarries, and farm plantations. Thousands of other African Americans were simply seized by southern landowners and compelled into years of involuntary servitude. Government officials leased falsely imprisoned blacks to small-town entrepreneurs, provincial farmers, and dozens of corporations—including U.S. Steel—looking for cheap and abundant labor. Armies of “free” black men labored without compensation, were repeatedly bought and sold, and were forced through beatings and physical torture to do the bidding of white masters for decades after the official abolition of American slavery.

(Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center/Doubleday) John L. Spivak’s 1932 photo of a prisoner punished in Georgia.
The neoslavery system exploited legal loopholes and federal policies that discouraged prosecution of whites for continuing to hold black workers against their wills. As it poured millions of dollars into southern government treasuries, the new slavery also became a key instrument in the terrorization of African Americans seeking full participation in the U.S. political system.

(Library of Congress/Doubleday) Carl Weiss’s 1898 photo of a chain gang in Thomasville, Ga.

Based on a vast record of original documents and personal narratives, Slavery by Another Name unearths the lost stories of slaves and their descendants who journeyed into freedom after the Emancipation Proclamation and then back into the shadow of involuntary servitude. It also reveals the stories of those who fought unsuccessfully against the re-emergence of human labor trafficking, the modern companies that profited most from neoslavery, and the system’s final demise in the 1940s, partly due to fears of enemy propaganda about American racial abuse at the beginning of World War II.
Slavery by Another Name is a moving, sobering account of a little-known crime against African Americans, and the insidious legacy of racism that reverberates today.

Read an excerpt of Slavery by Another Name here. A wealth of material about book and author can be found at http://www.slaverybyanothername.com/

About the book’s author: DOUGLAS A. BLACKMON is the Atlanta Bureau Chief of the Wall Street Journal. He has written extensively on race, the economy, and American society. Reared in the Mississippi Delta, he lives in downtown Atlanta with his wife and children.

Inauspicious

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I cannot say how refreshed I was when I woke up this morning. Probably not much. I dragged my raggedy butt out to the gym. I was pathetic there so I left. I went for a run. After about half a mile, a glorious sun rose but did not improve my performance and, at about a mile, as several severely old people (age-ism?) passed me, I gave up that ghost and went home.
I showered and went back to bed.
My soccer season starts tomorrow. I’ve been trying to cram six weeks of preparation into two weeks and I’m only succeeding in getting myself injured before the season even starts. We’ll be the defending champion. Again.
Last season, although ultimately successful, was bruising and grueling. I hung my cleats when it ended in November and did not play or workout until February. Gym work, which is valuable but could never take the place of getting on the field and playing.
Oh, the invoice to renew my home subscription of The New York Times arrived in the mail today. $265.20. I wish I knew how to quit the Times. That’s $530 a year. I’m not saying it’s not worth it but the invoice almost always arrives when I’m either too broke, or broker than that.
On the other hand, I could buy the paper on the newsstand, which is actually the best paper to have because it should, technically have the latest news and final sports scores from the night before. But it costs $1.25 for the daily paper and I don’t know how much on Sundays, probably $5. Whatever the pressures, the Times should have resisted the urge to go over $1.
Maybe when Murdoch starts a Sunday section for the Wall Street Journal and prices it like he prices that abominable rag, the New York Post. I may give up the Times then.

THE BIG FIX IN JERSEY; a brighter Star-Ledger

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May/June 1995

by MICHAEL O. ALLEN

The Star-Ledger has always seen New Jersey — from the shore communities in the south through the urban/suburban sprawl of its central counties to the exurban north — as one big hometown, and it has chronicled its citizens’ common concerns. A common concern these days is the tumult of change at the Ledger.

Comprehensive, successful, and dull, the newspaper was shaped by the obsessive vision of editor Mort Pye, who retired in December after three decades at the helm. It is being reshaped by James P. Willse, who has all of the state wondering what its somnolent giant of a newspaper will be like when it’s finally wide awake.

The Newhouse-owned Star-Ledger was little more than a scandal sheet when Pye arrived as a top editor in 1957. Assuming full leadership six years later, he tied its fate to that of New Jersey. The paper aggressively promoted development and commerce in New Jersey and followed its largely white, upper-middle-class readers out to the suburbs after they fled the paper’s urban base. The Ledger thrived while its main competition, the respected Newark Evening News, closed up shop in 1972 after a disastrous strike.

Pye’s formula included covering the hell out of local sports as well as the state government, building an enormous statehouse bureau. He dropped the word Newark from the masthead in the early 1960s. “What we set out to do was very simple,” Pye says. “It was to create a paper that anybody with interest in what is going on in New Jersey would find it in the paper.” All this for 15 cents, until its climb to a quarter in 1990.

In a business sense, Pye’s strategy worked. The Ledger has a circulation of 455,919 daily and 685,551 on Sundays, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations, making it respectively the fourteenth- and twelfth- largest paper in the nation. In a journalistic sense, however, even the paper’s admirers had to admit that The Star-Ledger could be mind-numbing. Its clumsily designed look was vintage 1949, heavy gray with hard-to-understand headlines; its gigantic newshole was both a blessing and a curse — a huge beast with an insatiable appetite that, combined with weak editing, often produced lifeless prose. The paper sometimes gave the impression it produced type only to wrap around the voluminous ads.

That Willse’s every move since he took over in January is still subject to speculation and analysis all around New Jersey illustrates the delicacy of his task. How do you fix a newspaper that, in an economic sense, ain’t broke?

E. Donald Lass, editor and publisher of the Asbury Park Press, the state’s second-largest paper, wonders how much he would change the Ledger if he were running it. Why change when you have such a potent formula for success? he asks. But in a six-page “Memo” to Willse the New Jersey Reporter’s Stephen Barr, the “spokes-man” for “Ledger Junkies of New Jersey,”offered a not-so-modest list of requests: better writing, editing, photography, and layout, less dependence on institutional coverage, more explanatory and investigative work, thoughtful editorial and op-ed pages, and so forth. The Ledger, the memo said, is “indispensable, but not admired.”

In a competitive market, Willse has been reluctant to disclose his vision for the paper, but he leaves no doubt about the company he’d like it to keep. The Star-Ledger, he says, can play in the same league as The Philadelphia Inquirer, The Miami Herald,The Boston Globe, and The Dallas Morning News, regional newspapers that are both economic and journalistic successes. “The trick,” he says, “is to not lose sight of what is good and valuable about the Ledger: its commitment to New Jersey and its communities and the breadth of its information.”

Ledger junkies already see a better newspaper, somewhat cleaner looking with more inviting headlines and sharper stories. Reporters say their pieces are now getting “massaged.” “He is asking questions about stories that we’ve never heard before, which is very exciting,” says general assignment reporter Bill Gannon.

One of Willse’s first moves was far from subtle. He hired Richard Aregood, the Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial page editor of the Philadelphia Daily News, to rejuvenate the Ledger’s editorial section. Aregood, simply put, is everything that The Star-Ledger’s editorial page never was.

That section had long spoken with a weak, inconsistent voice in editorials that were no more than summations of the news and suggestions and expectations about the future. Aregood, by contrast, writes editorials that are witty, engaging, and combative. “Somebody sedate the senator while we take a look here,” he wrote in March, after quoting an emotional Republican state senator who wants to free developers to build in a protected watershed. And for the kind of money that Henry Cisneros is alleged to have paid to keep his girlfriend quiet, Aregood wrote that the HUD secretary “could be wallowing in a vat of lime Jell-O with four hookers, twelve consenting farm animals, and a partridge in a pear tree to this very day.”

The twenty-six-newspaper Newhouse group has a reputation for running some of the most profitable but mediocre papers in the nation. In the past few years, however, it has been hiring respected editors and apparently giving them resources to improve their papers.

In Willse, it got a well-respected and well-organized editor known for his ability to spot talent and give it room to grow. The son of a New York City detective, he was born on St. Patrick’s Day in 1944, and caught the journalism bug by working summers as a copy boy at The New York Times and as an intern at The Wall Street Journal. At Hamilton College, he studied Yeats by day and covered the cops by night for the Utica Daily Press in upstate New York. He joined The Associated Press in 1969, becoming its San Francisco bureau chief, then city editor and managing editor for the San Francisco Examiner. It was while he was at the Examiner that his photographer, Greg Robinson, was killed, along with congressman Leo Ryan, by followers of the Reverend Jim Jones and his People’s Temple cult in Guyana just before the mass suicide there. A grief-stricken Willse put that day’s paper to bed and flew to Guyana to cover the tragedy himself. He produced solid journalism at the New York Daily News, his most recent career stop, during some of the toughest periods in the paper’s history, notably the bitter 147-day strike in 1990-1991, the death of its phony “savior,” Robert Maxwell, in 1991, and its subsequent bankruptcy. When the News was finally sold to Mort Zuckerman, Willse had to walk the plank with scores of Daily News staff members.

Now he has been handed one of those rare jobs in journalism, a chance to shape a paper that is willing to spend money to improve. “I don’t think there is a better editing gig in the country,” he says. “This is a wonderful, wonderful opportunity.”

Allen is a reporter for the New York Daily News. He did not work under Willse.