MICHAEL O. ALLEN

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Wright

Maybe We Can't

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The black case for Obama-skepticism

by Cinque Henderson, The New Republic, Wednesday, May 28, 2008

Ninety percent of black Democrats support Barack Obama. So that might leave an observer wondering: What the hell is up with that other 10 percent? Are they stupid? Do they hate their own race? Do they not understand the historical import of the moment?

I can shed some insight on this demographic anomaly. In gatherings of black people, I’m invariably the only one for the Dragon Lady. I’ll do my best to explain how those of us in the ever-shrinking minority of a minority came to our position.

But, before going any further, let me fully disclose my predispositions. I disliked Obama almost instantly. I never believed the central premises of his autobiography or his campaign. He is fueled by precisely the same brand of personal ambition as Bill Clinton. But, where Clinton is damned as “Slick Willie,” Obama is hailed as a post-racial Messiah. Do I believe that Obama had this whole yes-we-can deal planned from age 16? No, I would respond. He began plotting it at age 22. This predisposition, of course, doesn’t help me in making the case against Obama, especially not with black people. But, believe me, there’s a strong case to be made that he isn’t such a virtuous mediator of race. And it’s this skepticism about Obama’s racial posturing that has led us, the 10 percent, into dissent.

Let’s begin with the locus classicus of Obama love, Andrew Sullivan’s encomium in The Atlantic. He writes:

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Obama's values

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I have a couple of reaction to this piece that ran in the Wall Street Journal yesterday:

1). It’s a load of crap

2). The writer is probably right. This is what the general election is going to be about.

Obama and the Values Question Mark By DOUGLAS E. SCHOEN, May 12, 2008

With the Democratic nomination all but decided, it’s time for Barack Obama to start defining himself in the context of the general election — before the Republicans define him. Most importantly, he must answer this question once and for all: What are his values?

Mr. Obama began to do so last Tuesday night, by speaking more generally about who he is and how he defines himself. But this is just a first step.

Exit polls in Indiana and North Carolina show clearly that fewer than 60% of white voters believe Mr. Obama shares their values. In a recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll, only 45% of the American electorate said they can identify with Mr. Obama’s values, compared to 54% who say they can identify with John McCain’s values.

Make no mistake, the ongoing controversy over his relationship with the Rev. Jeremiah Wright leaves Mr. Obama vulnerable. So does the flap over his comments at a San Francisco fund-raiser over working-class voters’ alleged bitterness leading them to cling to religion and guns. He needs to speak directly and forthrightly to the concerns and fears of these voters if he is to succeed in November.

How does he do that?

First, and obviously symbolically, he must start wearing the flag lapel pin. He simply cannot afford to raise doubts about his patriotism.

More substantively, he must also unabashedly support measures that reflect and emphasize his commitment to traditional American values.

For example, he should commit to enhancing and strengthening the earned income tax credit, to provide tax relief to the working poor and to continue transferring people from welfare to work. This will demonstrate his preference for hard work and initiative as opposed to entitlement programs.

Mr. Obama must also demonstrate concretely that he is sympathetic to the victims of crime — in ways that go beyond the abstract rhetoric of his March 18 speech on race relations in Philadelphia. He needs to make clear, in no uncertain terms, that he understands American concerns about law and order, and that he puts public safety at the top of his priorities. To be sure, there is an increasing role for rehabilitation in the criminal justice system. But Mr. Obama must emphasize first and foremost that he is on the side of law-abiding people.

To win southwestern states such as Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico, he must demonstrate his intention to secure our borders, and to integrate those immigrants who are here into American society with a clear path to citizenship. Mr. Obama should also reemphasize his support for the rights of gun owners to hunt and use firearms safely and responsibly.

On foreign policy, Mr. Obama must refute the presumption that he is not fully committed to the war on terror, or that he believes every problem can be solved by negotiating with the leaders of rogue nations. He must reassure people that he understands diplomacy has its limits. Part of this reassurance should consist of a speech that Mr. Obama should give on the subject of what Ronald Reagan called “American exceptionalism” — still a core value for most Americans, and particularly swing voters. Our role in the world, and our unique democratic experience, make us a nation that has to be prepared to stand alone if absolutely necessary.

Finally, Mr. Obama must connect with people of faith. He needs to reach out explicitly to the evangelical community, both white and black. Mr. Obama does not have to apologize for his own faith and membership in Trinity United Church of Christ, but he needs to emphasize, as he has tried to do a number of times, that his own values are the opposite of Mr. Wright’s.

Most Americans know that Jeremiah Wright’s views are not those of Barack Obama; they do not need a point-by-point refutation of Mr. Wright’s comments. But moderate-to-conservative voters who once had confidence in Mr. Obama now have doubts, because he has been so close for so long to someone whose values are so inimical to theirs. What Americans need to know, once and for all, is that Mr. Obama stands with them on cultural issues they care about.

Here’s what I mean. In 1996, I was the campaign manager for Clinton-Gore in Tennessee and Kentucky. We ran our campaign almost exclusively on conservative values — on issues such as opposing gang crime, opposing welfare fraud, and fighting street crime. We also had evangelical ministers recording radio ads for rural markets, emphasizing the president’s commitment to traditional values. With all that we won both states only narrowly.

Harold Ford lost the 2006 Senate race in Tennessee in part because Republicans were able to portray him — a more conservative Democrat than Barack Obama — as being on the wrong side of the cultural divide, just because he had once attended a Playboy party for the Super Bowl. Values-related issues are that potent, even in a time of economic downturn.

In Mr. Obama’s March 18 speech on race, he said that he understands black concerns about whites, and white concerns about blacks. But he must go further, and point to the unity of all Americans in support for the values that have made this country what it is today. It is these seemingly universal core values that most Americans were brought up with, and that people now question if Mr. Obama really shares. He must remove all doubt, and quickly.

If Barack Obama is going to win the election, he needs to be able to fight the contest on the core economic issues that clearly work to the Democrats’ advantage — such as job creation, expanding access to health care, and providing relief to homeowners who have trouble paying their mortgages. But unless he is able to present himself as being part of the mainstream on core cultural and values issues, the Republican attack machine will be able to make this election about issues having little to do with the economy and our role in the world.

Mr. Schoen is the author of “Declaring Independence: The Beginning of the End of the Two Party System” (Random House, 2008).

John Kerry said it

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WITT: Okay. He said it. A 20-year relationship. Reverend wright married him. He is the one who baptized a god parent. How personally painful is this for him?

KERRY: Can I say something to you? Obviously it is painful and he said it. You folks need to let go of this. Television needs to stop dwelling on something that is in the past. I thought Barack Obama yesterday gave America his second big presidential moment of this campaign. The first when he spoke out about the issue of race. The second yesterday, when he made it clear, every one of the statements of the minister are just unacceptable. They’re not the person that he knew before. Now let’s move on to how we’ll put people to work. How are you going to give people health care? How are you going to create jobs in america? What Barack Obama is offering in this gas price issue is real leadership. I mean, do we want people who sort of put their fingers in the wind and throw out an idea for the short term that is sort of politically pleasing, or do you want a here who stands up and says, no, what we need is to really lower gas prices by having a real energy policy, an intelligent policy that puts in place the incentives for renewable fuels and alternative fuels. That’s what Barack Obama is doing. And it is you guys have to focus on the thing that really matter to the American electorate. The other thing is just worn out, old history now. This guy had his narcissistic moment and it is finished.

WITT: Okay. Point well taken. Did I say to begin, can I just say, sir, I knew you weren’t going to like that question. On the record.

KERRY: Let’s move on to the thing that really matter to people. I think people in America are tired of this stuff.

WITT: Okay.

'Wright loves America'

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Here’s a brief description from wikipedia:

The Reverend Michael Louis Pfleger (born May 22, 1949[1]) is a Roman Catholic priest and social activist in Chicago, Illinois.

A German American from the south side of Chicago, Pfleger attended Archbishop Quigley Preparatory Seminary South, Loyola University and the University of Saint Mary of the Lake. He was ordained a priest for the Archdiocese of Chicago on May 14, 1975. Since 1981, Pfleger has been pastor of the mostly African American Saint Sabina Catholic Church in Chicago’s Auburn Gresham neighborhood. When he was appointed to his present position at the age of 31, he became the youngest pastor in the Chicago archdiocese.His parishioners have affectionately referred to him as a “blue-eyed black soul”. Under Pfleger’s leadership, Saint Sabina has established an Employment Resource Center, a Social Service Center, and also an Elders home.

Father Pfleger’s social activism has brought him recognition throughout Chicago and beyond. He has often collaborated and associated with African American religious, political and social leaders such as Jeremiah Wright, Joseph Lowery, Jesse Jackson, Cornel West, and Louis Farrakhan. What follows are some of his most notable campaigns.

Glenn Loury @ TPMCafe a few days ago

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Losing the Narrative By Glenn Loury – March 31, 2008

To my mind, commentary about Obama’s ‘race’ speech in the press has been superficial and overtly, unreflectively partisan. (It was a fine speech, to be sure; don’t get me wrong. This guy is not only a brilliant politician, he’s a genuine intellectual. He has integrity. And, he’s brave, to boot.) Yet, as editorial writers rush to call it “the greatest speech on race since King’s 1963 oration…,” I can’t help but notice how they blithely overlook LBJ’s 1965 commencement speech at Howard University which, to my mind and by any serious historical standard, was easily a more important and historic statement. Johnson’s speech was, after all, a statement which had and still has consequences, in terms of major institutional reforms embodied in our nation’s laws and practices, affecting the lives of many millions of people over the span of two generations. (But, then, the Obama enthusiasts have successfully implanted the idea that it is somehow ‘racially insensitive to recall that LBJ’s skills, vision, courage and compassion were absolutely indispensable in bringing about the progress we all take for granted today…)
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